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University of Wyoming 

LARAMIE, 82071 


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6 Ol/f 






J- ' B R A R-Y 
AUG 7 |9, 

#/ Wyoming 



Stinison Photo 
Wyoming State Archives <tiul Historical Department 

il J 964 


Fred W. Marble. Chairman Cheyenne 

E. A. Littleton Gillette 

Henry Jones Laramie 

Mrs. Dwight Wallace Evanston 

Mrs. Frank Mockler Lander 

Mrs. Wilmot C. Hamm Rock Springs 

Mrs. William Miller Lusk 

Gordon Brodrick Powell 

Atlorney Gener\l John F. Rapf.r. Ex-Officio 



Lola M. Homsher Director 

Henryetta Berry Assistant Director 

Mrs. Katherine Halverson Chief. Historical Division 

Mrs. Bonnie Forsyth Chief, Archives & Records Division 


The Annals or Wyoming is published semi-annually in April and 
October and is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical 
Society. Copies of current issues may be purchased for $1.00 each. 
Available copies of earlier issues are also for sale. A price list may be 
obtained by writing to the Editor. 

Communications should be addressed to the Editor. The Editor does 
not assume responsibility for statements of fact or of opinion made by 

Copyriglit, 1964, by the Wyoming State Archives and 
Historical Department. 

Annals of Wyoming 

Volume 36 

April, 1964 

Number 1 

Lola M. Homsher 

Katherine Halverson 
Assistant Editor 

Published Biannually by the 


Official Publication of the Wyoming State Historical Society 


OFFICERS 1963-1964 

President, Neal Miller ...Rawlins 

First Vice President, Mrs. Charles Hord Casper 

Second Vice President, Glenn Sweem Sheridan 

Secretary-Treasurer, Miss Maurine Carley Cheyenne 

Executive Secretary, Miss Lola M. Homsher Cheyenne 

Past Presidents: 

Frank L. Bowron, Casper 1953-1955 

William L. Marion. Lander 1955-1956 

Dr. DfWitt Dominick. Cody 1956-1957 

Dr. T. A. Larson, Laramie 1957-1958 

A. H. MacDougall, Rawlins 1958-1959 

Mrs. Thllma G. Condit. Buffalo 1959-1960 

E. A. Litllelon, Gillette 1960-1961 

Edness Kimball Wilkins, Casper ..1961-1962 

Charles Ritter, Cheyenne 1962-1963 

The Wyoming State Historical Society was organized in October 1953. 
Membership is open to anyone interested in history. County Historical 
Society Chapters have been organized in Albany, Big Horn, Campbell, Car- 
bon, Fremont, Goshen, Johnson, Laramie, Natrona, Park, Platte, Sheridan. 
Sweetwater, Washakie, Weston, and Uinta counties. 

State Dues: 

Life Membership $50.00 

Joint Life Membership (Husband and wife) 75.00 

Annual Membership 3.50 

loint Annual Membership (Two persons of same family at 

same address.) 5.00 

County dues are in addition to state dues and are set by county organ- 

Send State membership dues to: 

Wyoming State Historical Society 
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Zablc of Contents 

John Dishon McDermott 


Robert A. Murray 


Edited by Austin L. Moore 


Edited by Don D. Fowler 


Trek No. 14 of the Emigrant Trail Treks 
Compiled by Maurine Carley 


Dick J. Nelson 


Jay Gurian 


President's Message by Neal Miller 89 

Minutes of Tenth Annual Meeting, September 7-8. 1964 90 


Vaughn, The Battle of Platte Bridge 104 

Schlebecker. Cattle Raising on the Plains 1900-1960 105 

Kleiber. Songs of Wyoming 107 

National Park Service, Soldier and Brave 108 

Hart. Old Forts of the Northwest 109 

Andrews, Indians as the Westerners Saw Them 1 10 

Sublette County Artists' Guild, Tales of the Seeds-Ke-Dee 1 1 1 

Colonna-Ford, Jireh College-Stirred Embers of the Past 1 1 1 

Beebe, The Overland Limited 113 

Steinheimer, Backwoods Railroads of the West 114 

Morgan. Diesels West! 114 

Robertson. Fort Hall-Gateway to the Oregon Country 1 15 

Burroughs, Where The Old West Stayed Young 117 

Bogue. From Prairie to Corn Belt 118 

Roripaugh, Honor Thy Father 120 

Columbia Records. The Badmen 122 

University Press Reprints 122 



Cloud Peak Cover 

Leodegar Schnyder c. 1890 4 

Fort Laramie in 1849 9 

Almanac for the Year 1849 12 

Noncommissioned Officers' Quarters. 1884 16 

Picnic by the Laramie River. 1889 17 

Chief Washakie. 1865 34 

Bozeman Trail Trek. Map 46-47 

Start of the Trek 58 

Trekkers at Wagon Box Fight Monument 58 

South Pass City. 1870 78 

Fort Laramie Collections 

Jort Caramie } s Silent Soldier 
Ceodegar Schnyder 

John Dishon McDermott 

Leodegar Schnyder saw thousands of emigrants pass by Fort 
Laramie during the peak years of travel over the Oregon-California 
Trail; he manned the post during the exciting and fateful Grattan 
Fight which began the Indian Wars; he witnessed the coming of 
the Pony Express and the Pacific Telegraph; he heard Red Cloud 
tell Colonel Carrington not to fortify the Bozeman Trail; he was 
there when Portugee Phillips rode up to Old Bedlam with news of 
the Fetterman Disaster; he stood by when the government signed 
monumental treaties with the Plains Indians in 1 85 1 and again in 
1868: he watched Charlie Reynolds gallop in with the news that 
gold had been discovered in the Black Hills; he listened to the 
rumble of the Cheyenne to Deadwood stage as it crossed the 
army's iron bridge over the Platte. He experienced these things, 
but what he thought of them we will never know for Leodegar 
Schnyder was Fort Laramie's silent soldier. He didn't keep a 
diary, and he wrote few letters. An occasional reference in the 
memoirs of others who lived at the post, a few official documents, 
a newspaper clipping, and a short biographical sketch by his 
daughter are all that remain. The historian must grope for frag- 
ments, stumbling over stray chips from the quarry of the past, to 
tell the story of a man who served at Fort Laramie for thirty-seven 
years, longer than any other soldier. 

Leodegar Schnyder was born on April 29, 1814 in Sursee, 
Switzerland. 1 In 1829, his family crossed the ocean and settled in 
Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, where Schnyder became apprenticed to a 
book binder. 1 ' He also received training as a draftsman, and one 
of the few personal documents he left behind was a beautifully 

1. Louisa Schnyder Nottingham, "Sergeant Leodegar Schnyder," MS, 
Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department. Cheyenne; Discharge 
Certificate of Leodegar Schnyder, Private Company H First Infantry, June 
24, 1840, Schnyder Collection, Fort Laramie National Historic Site. Mrs. 
Nottingham gives the date of Schnyder's birth as April 29, 1813, but his 
discharge papers show that he was born in 1814. 

2. Nottingham. "Sergeant Schnyder." 


drawn almanac for 1859. Tiring of his trade, he joined the army 
in 1837 at the age of twenty-three. :i 

First Lieut. Hannibal Day of the Second Infantry, who as a 
major commanded Fort Laramie, signed Schnyder' s enlistment 
papers on June 24 at the Pittsburg recruitment station. 4 The army 
assigned the young Swiss to Company H of the First Infantry then 
stationed at Jefferson Barracks outside of St. Louis. Schnyder 
stayed in Missouri only a short time, for by the end of July the 
First Infantry was marching south to fight the Seminoles in 

War with the Seminoles broke out in 1 835 because of resistance, 
under Chief Osceola, to removal westward into Indian Territory. 
Hostilities began in December when extremists murdered their 
agent and an army officer and ambushed a detachment of troops. 
Schnyder probably had his first taste of battle on December 25, 
1837, when a combined force under Colonel Zachary Taylor 
clashed with a Seminole band on the shores of Lake Okeechobee. 
Taylor held the First Infantry in reserve, and the regiment didn't 
get a chance to show its pluck until near the close of the fight." 

During the next four years, Schnyder saw a lot of Florida but 
few Indians. The Seminoles avoided direct warfare, and army 
scouting parties roamed the countryside in search of them with 
little success. During this period, Schnyder changed regiments. 
After being discharged at Fort Macomb in Middle Florida on June 
24, 1 840, he re-enlisted at Fort Harriet on July 25 as a private in 
Company G of the Sixth Infantry." His discharge papers described 
him as being five feet eight and three-quarters inches tall with 
sandy hair, a ruddy complexion, and gray eyes.* 

The Sixth Infantry remained in Florida until peace was restored 
in 1842. Early in the year, the regiment traveled north by way 
of New Orleans and, on March 20, reached Jefferson Barracks. 

3. C. G. Coutant, The History of Wyoming (Laramie, Wyoming: Chap- 
Jin, Spafford & Mathison, Printers, 1899), 686. 

4. Leodegar Schnyder, "Statement of Enlistments and Discharges of 
Ordnance Sergeant Leodegar Schnyder, U. S. Army, from June 24, 1837 
to March 31, 1890," MS, Schnyder Collection. Hereafter cited as "Enlist- 
ments and Discharges." 

5. William Addleman Ganoe, The History of the United States Army 
(New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1932), 181. 

6. "The First Infantry," in The Army of the United States edited by 
Theodore F. Rodenbough and William L. Haskins (New York: Maynard, 
Merrill. & Company. 1896), 404. 

7. Schnyder, "Enlistments and Discharges." 

8. Discharge Certificate of Leodegar Schnyder, June 24, 1840. 


From there the Sixth scattered, Company G ending up at Fort 
Gibson. Cherokee Nation.' 1 

Schnyder spent a rather uneventful six years at Fort Gibson. 
It was a quiet time with little to do except wage war against inter- 
mittent fever. Between July I, 1843, and June 30, 1847, army 
doctors treated 2,252 cases at the post, and since the average 
strength of the garrison during the four year period was 944, the 
fever rate rose to 238 per cent. 1 " 

The Sixth headquartered at Fort Gibson until the United States 
declared war on Mexico. Leaving only companies G and I behind, 
the regiment joined General Winfield Scott's army at Puebla, 
Mexico, in July 1847. 11 Company G remained at Fort Gibson 
for the duration of the war. 

Although it was often dull and he missed a war, Schnyder could 
take solace in the fact that while he was at Fort Gibson he ad- 
vanced rapidly in rank. He made corporal on September 1, 1844, 
sergeant on June 1, 1846, and first sergeant on October 1, 1848. 1 - 

Late in 1848, Company G received orders to move to Fort 
Leavenworth. They arrived on December 10. Schnyder reached 
the post shortly after the outbreak of cholera which spread west- 
ward, killing many emigrants in L849. 13 

On April 9, 1849, Brevet Ma^or General David E. Twiggs at 
St. Louis issued an order which was to affect the life of Leodegar 
Schnyder for the next thirty-seven years: 

There will be a post established at or near Fort Laramie. Its garri- 
son will consist of companies A and E. Mounted Riflemen, and Com- 
pany G, 6th. Infantry, under the command of Maj. W. F. Sanderson, 
Mounted Riflemen .... Major Sanderson will leave Fort Leavenworth 
by the 10th of May, with Company E . . . and will proceed to locate 

a post in the vicinity of Fort Laramie The remainder of the 

garrison for this post will follow on the 1st of June, with the years 
supplies already ordered for their post. 14 

9. Charles Byrne, "The Sixth Regiment of Infantry," in Army of the 
United States, 485. The army built Fort Gibson in what is now State of 
Oklahoma in 1824. Located on the left bank of the Grand River about 
two and one-half miles from its confluence with the Arkansas, the fort 
protected settlement advancing along the Arkansas and Red River valleys 
and was an important outpost in Indian Territory for many years. 

10. Statistical Report on the Sickness and Mortality in the Army of the 
United States (Washington: A. O. P. Nicholson, Printer. 1856). 267-268. 

11. Byrne. "The Sixth Infantry," 485-486. 

12. Schnyder, "Enlistments and Discharges." 

13. Elvid Hunt, History of Fort Leavenworth, 1827-1927 (Fort Leaven- 
worth. Kansas: The General Service Schools Press, 1926). 81-82. 232. 
Located on the west bank of the Missouri near the mouth of the Little 
Platte, the post gained prominence during the Mexican War and served as 
the outfitting post for the Army of the West. 

14. Quoted in LeRoy R. Hafen and Francis Marion Young, Fort Lara- 
mie and the Pageant of the West, 1834-1890 (Glendale, California: The 
Arthur H. Clark Company. 1938), 140-141. 


The fort referred to was the adobe-walled fur trading post 
christened Fort John by the American Fur Company but known to 
most as Fort Laramie. Built in 1841, Fort John replaced Fort 
William, the first fort on the Laramie erected by Robert Campbell 
and William Sublette in 1834. Fort Laramie had been recom- 
mended for military status at various times by such respected 
authorities as John Fremont, Francis Parkman, and Thomas Fitz- 
patrick. 1 "' President Polk, in a message to Congress on December 
2, 1845, called for the establishment of military posts along the 
"usual route between . . . frontier settlements and the Rocky 
Mountains" and the raising of a regiment of Mounted Riflemen 
to guard and protect those using the trail. 1 " Polk's wish became 
law on May 9, 1846, but the Mexican War diverted the army's 
attention, and it wasn't until after the restoration of peace in 1848 
that official eyes focused on the Emigrant Road. Fort Kearney 
on the Lower Platte became the first station on the Oregon Trail, 
and Fort Laramie on the Upper Platte was to become the second. 

Major Sanderson was to select the site for the new post and 
become its first commander, but Lieut. Daniel P. Woodbury had 
the authority to purchase any buildings that might be deemed 
necessary. 17 Some thought that it would be better to select a fresh 
site in the vicinity of Fort Laramie than to purchase the adobe- 
walled trading post which had seen better days and leaned heavily 
on wooden supports. With this idea in mind, General Don Carlos 
Buell ordered Sanderson to make a thorough reconnaissance of the 
area before making a decision. 18 

Sanderson and Woodbury reached Fort Laramie on June 16, 
and during the next few days traveled at least seventy-five miles up 
the Platte looking for a better site. 1 " None could be found. At 
Sanderson's request, Woodbury, on behalf of the government, 
bought Fort. Laramie from Pierre Choteau Jr. & Company on June 
26 for $4,000.-" Almost immediately, the army began erecting 
other buildings so that in a decade Fort Laramie became a sprawl- 
ing military post too large to encompass by a wall and too strong 
to invite Indian attack. 

15. Merrill J. Mattes, Fort Laramie and the Forty-Niners (Estes Park, 
Colorado: Rocky Mountain Nature Association, 1949), 10-11. 

16. James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers 
of the Presidents, 1789-1897, IV (Washington: Government Printing Office, 
1900), 396. 

17. Hafen and Young, Fort Laramie, 140. 

18. Buell to Sanderson, April 19, 1849, War Department Archives, Fort 
Meyer, Virginia. Hereafter cited as Fort Meyer Archives. 

19. Sanderson to Adjutant General Roger Jones, June 27, 1849, Fort 
Meyer Archives. 

20. Record of the Deed of Sale of Fort John, June 28, 1851, Fort Meyer 


Drawing by Frederick Remington 
From A Sketch by Charles B. Gillespie 
in Century Magazine 


Schnyder and Company G left Fort Leavenworth on June 16-' 1 
and finally arrived at Fort Laramie on August 12, having been on 
the road nearly two months.-- Perhaps, when he saw his new 
home, Schnyder experienced the same dismay as did an Irishman 
named Kelley who viewed the post about three months earlier: 

. . . my glowing fancy vanished before the wretched reality — a 
miserable, cracked, dilapidated, adobe quadrangular enclosure, with a 
wall about twelve feet high, three sides of which were shedded down 
as stores and workshops, the fourth, or front, having a two-story 
erection, with a projecting balcony, for hurling projectiles or hot water 
on the foe, propped all around on the outside with beams of timber, 
which an enemy had only to kick away and down would come the 
whole structure.- 3 

Or he might have been pleasantly affected as was Alonzo Delano 
on June 12: 

Fort Laramie is simply a trading post, standing about a mile above 
the ford. ... Its neat whitewashed walls presented a welcome sight 
to us . . . and the motley crowd of emigrants, with their array of 

21. Hunt, Fort Leavenworth, 232. 

22. Hafen and Young, Fort Laramie, 141-142. 

23. William Kelley, An Excursion to California (London: Chapman and 
Hall, 1851), 154-155. 


wagons, cattle, horses and mules, gave a pleasant appearance of life 
and animation.- 4 

Whatever his thought, he certainly did not contemplate spending 
nearly four decades of his life by the Laramie River. 

About 22,500 people, most of them goldseekers headed for 
California, preceded, accompanied, and followed Schnyder over 
the trail to Fort Laramie in 1849. During the next year about 
45,000 made the trip West, and in 1852, the peak year, 52,000 
streamed by the post. 1 '"' Until the completion of the Union Pacific 
Railroad in 1 869, Schnyder watched the hardy pioneers drive their 
wagons and stock along the North Platte River, and his work 
played a part in their success. 

The first mention of Schnyder in the post records appears in 
1851. On September 17, Captain William Scott Ketchum ap- 
pointed the sergeant assistant librarian for the post. 2 " His ability 
as a book binder probably got him the job. According to his 
daughter, Louisa, his interest in books went beyond their covers; 
and, in later life, his friends considered him a well-read man. 27 

In October, 1 852, Schnyder applied for the position of Ordnance 
Sergeant for Fort Laramie. The army was very strict in its re- 
quirements for ordnance positions. According to the Regulations, 
the judicious selection of ordnance sergeants fullfilled three pur- 

. . . while the law contemplates, in the appointment of these non- 
commissioned officers, the better preservation of the ordnance and 
ordnance stores in deposit in the several forts, there is the further 
motive of offering a reward to those faithful and well-tried sergeants 
who have long served their country, and of thus giving encouragement 
to the soldier in the ranks to emulate them in conduct, and thereby 
secure substantial promotion. 28 

The applicant had to be a veteran of eight year's service, and 
his commanding officer had to write a letter of recommendation 
which filtered through channels to the Adjutant General of the 
Army for final approval. 2 " On October 15, First Lieut. Richard 
B. Garnett wrote to his superiors on Schnyder's behalf: 

24. Alonzo Delano, Across the Plains (New York: Wilson-Erickson, 
Inc.. 1936), 29. 

25. George R. Stewart, The California Trail (New York: McGraw-Hill 
Book Company, Inc., 1962), 232, 296, 303. 

26. Irder No. 56, 1851, Records of the War Department, Fort Laramie, 
Wyoming, Record Group 98, National Archives. Hereafter cited as Post 

27. Louisa Nottingham to John Hunton, June 6, 1927, Hunton Collec- 
tion. Coe Memorial Library, Laramie, Wyoming. 

28. Regulations of the Army of the United States, 1857 (New York: 
Harper k. Brothers, Publishers, 1857), 18. 

29. H. L. Scott, Military Dictionary (New York: D. Van Nostrand, 
1864), 444. 


As an Ordnance Sergeant is required at this Post, for the preserva- 
tion of the ordnance and ordnance stores which are here in consider- 
able quantity, I would respectfully and urgently recommend Sergeant 
Leodegar Schnyder, 1st Sergt. of "G" Company 6th lnfy.. now sta- 
tioned at Fort Laramie, to fill that position. 

The applicant has served a long time in the army, and has always 
sustained as far as I know, and have heard, from his former company 
commander. Captain W. S. Ketchum, the highest character for hon- 
esty, fidelity, and intelligence, in the discharge of his duties. 

His great neatness, legibility, and correctness as a clerk. I should 
think, would eminently fit him for the office for which he has the 
honor to apply. 30 

Schnyder received appointment on December 1, 1852." He 
was responsible for the preservation of field pieces, small-arms, 
side-arms, ammunition, and the supplies and tools necessary for 
their care. He issued the items when requested and prepared the 
requisite returns. Unlike company and regimental servants who 
moved with their units from one place to another, the army as- 
signed him to the post, and he had to remain there until trans- 
ferred. 32 

Schnyder married sometime in the early fifties. The name and 
origin of his first wife remains a mystery. She probably worked 
at the post as a laundress or maid. To this union were born two 
children, Florence and Mary. Florence, whom one soldier called 
"a prairie flower for sure",' 1 "' was born in 1853, and Mary followed 
in 1862.' 54 

The problem of raising a family on the frontier was a difficult 
one that Schnyder faced time after time. On October 8, 1853, 
he wrote the only official letter that survives, and it concerned the 

Having lately been appointed Ordnance Sergeant at this Post, (and 
having a family to support), I find it almost impossible to subsist 
on the ration allowed by the Regulation, and I am therefore compelled 

30. Garnett to Brigadier General Newman S. Clarke, October 15, 1852, 
Records of the Ordnance Department, National Archives. 

31. Schnyder, '"Enlistments and Discharges." 

32. Scott. Military Dictionary, 436-437, 444; Instructions for Making 
Quarterly Returns of Ordnance and Ordnance Stores (Washington: Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1863), 14. 

33. Myra E. Hull, ed., "Soldiering on the High Plains: The Diary of 
Lewis Byram Hull," Kansas Historical Quarterly, VII (February, 1938), 18. 

34. "Census Taken at Fort Laramie on August 20, 1870." Copy at Fort 
Laramie National Historic Site. Hereafter cited as 1870 Census. Schnyder 
sent Florence to Ohio to be schooled on August 4, 1864 with Catharine 
Collins, but by 1870 she had returned to Fort Laramie. See Agnes Wright 
Spring, ed., "An Army Wife Comes West: Letters of Catharine Wever 
Collins (1863-1864)." The Colorado Magazine, XXXI (October, 1954). 27. 
Florence later married a Mr. McGill and lived near Valentine, Nebraska 
for many years. Mary became Mary Schnyder Haskett. Letter from Mrs. 
Angela Weber, Denver. Colorado. February 19, 1963. 



Fort Laramie Collections 



lo purchase provisions from the Commissary Department at cost and 
transportation added thereto. The transportation being so great as 
to exceed the actual cost of most of the articles composing the ration. 
You will find upon consideration, that my pay, (calculating other 
necessary expenses) is insufficient for the support of myself, & my 

The great distance from the settlements prevents an open market, 
and therefore I am under the necessity of purchasing all my provisions 
from the Commissary Department. 

I therefore address myself to the Commanding Officer at this Post, 
as being well aware of all the facts above referred to, that I may be 
permitted to purchase such Subsistence stores as are actually necessary 
for tht support of myself and my family, at the actual cost without 
the transportation added thereto. 

I respectfully request the Commanding officer for a favorable 
endorsement on the above petition and that it may be transmitted to 
the Commissary General of Subsistence for his consideration by him 
to the Hon. Secretary of War. :J>r ' 

Schnyder and his family stared death in the face at Fort Laramie 
in late August, 1854. On the 19th, Lieut. John Grattan, twenty- 
nine soldiers, and an interpreter left the post to arrest a Miniconju 
brave called High Forehead who had killed and feasted on a stray 
cow from a Mormon caravan. They never came back. Arriving 
at Conquering Bear's camp of Brule Sioux about eight miles south- 
east of the post, Grattan attempted to arrest the visiting Miniconju 
and precipitated a fight in which he and his men were killed. 36 
The loss of Grattan and his force left Fort Laramie with forty-two 
defenders including Schnyder. HT While the aroused Sioux plun- 
dered the countryside, the small party huddled in the adobe-walled 
fort. One author states that the Indians attacked the post on 
August 28, but the details of the alleged attack have never been 
uncovered. 3s 

At the time of the Grattan Disaster, there were three or four 
women living at the post including Schnyder's wife. They were 
naturally frightened and fearful that the Indians would storm the 
adobe fort. Schnyder concentrated them in a group so that they 
could be more easily defended and by doing so kept them from 
becoming hysterical. 39 A soldier who came to Fort Laramie in 
1882 heard that the veteran sergeant took command of the post 
during the affair and placed Lieut. Hugh Flemming, the command- 
ing officer, in the guardhouse because he wanted to surrender the 

35. Schnyder to Lieut. Richard B. Garnett, October 8, 1853, Fort Meyer 

36. For the best account of the Grattan Fight see Lloyd E. McCann, 
"The Grattan Massacre," Nebraska History, XXXVII (March. 1956). 1-25. 

37. Hafen and Young, Fort Laramie, 231. 

38. Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United 
States Army From Its Organization, September 29, 1879 to March 2, 1903, 
II (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1903), 401. 

39. Coutant, History of Wyoming, 686. 


garrison to the Sioux. 4 " The story is undoubtedly false, but it 
serves to illustrate the high esteem and awe that soldiers held for 
Schnyder in later years. 

On September 17, 1859, the Postmaster General of the United 
States, Joseph Holt, appointed Schnyder garrison postmaster. 
After posting bond and taking the oath of office, Schnyder assumed 
his new duties on October l. 41 He served as postmaster until 
1 876, 4 - and during the period he operated his post office in four 
different territories, a feat duplicated by few of his contemporaries. 
Eighteen fifty-nine found Fort Laramie located in Nebraska Terri- 
tory. On March 3, 1863, it was included in Idaho Territory, on 
May 26, 1864 in Dakota Territory, and on July 5, 1868 in Wyo- 
ming Territory. 48 

Schnyder was a very methodical man, and he quickly established 
a set of rules for dispersing and delivering the mail. He believed 
that rules were not made to be broken, and those who transgressed 
learned the power of his wrath. 

Citizens, enlisted men, and non-commissioned officers had to 
pick up their mail at the post office, and unless they saluted on 
approaching the window, Schnyder ordered them to the rear with 
terse instructions to discipline themselves. He delivered the offi- 
cers' mail to their homes beginning with the commanding officer 
of the post and ending with the lowest second lieutenant according 
to the system of seniority. This probably meant doubling back on 
many occasions, but Schnyder believed it was better to sacrifice 
his feet than his principles. Should an officer meet the sergeant 
on his route and accost him for the mail, he was informed that he 
would receive it at the proper time and in the proper place. Some 
officers pulled the trick just to test him, but the results were 
invariably the same. 44 

One day an officer went too far. Impatiently, he marched into 
the business half of the post office and began mixing up the mail 
in an attempt to find his own letters. Schnyder politely asked him 
to remove himself from behind the barrier, but the man refused, 
stating that he was a commissioned officer and as such had certain 
rights and privileges and among them was the right to get his own 
mail. Schnyder replied that he as postmaster also had certain 

40. Interview of James Nolan by David L. Hieb, March 25, 1954, MS. 
Fort Laramie National Historic Site. 

41. Certificate of Appointment, Schnyder Collection. 

42. Nottingham. "Sergeant Schnyder." 

43. Harry L. Fine, "Fort Laramie Postal Markings," Montana: The 
Magazine of Western History, XI (Summer, 1961), 53. 

44. Harry Young, Hard Knocks (Chicago: Laird & Lee, Inc., 1915), 


rights and privileges and proceeded to help the officer over the 
railing with great swiftness. 45 

Sehnyder's postal problems sometimes reached beyond the con- 
fines of the fort. Once, for example, he found himself in competi- 
tion with another firm. Upon reaching the North Platte River 
crossing a few miles from Fort Laramie, those traveling westward 
in 1864 discovered what they were led to believe was a post office. 
A shabby tent stood near the river bank and dangling from it was 
a sign which read "Post Office - Letters to the States 50c." Two 
men were on hand to greet travelers, and soon they were busy 
making change and "making up" the mail for delivery. Suddenly, 
in the distance, the travelers saw a rider approaching at great speed. 
After fording the river, the rider galloped up to the tent, went to 
the back, and shouted, "Can't wait," "Behind time," etc. The two 
"postmasters" quickly handed him the mail bag, and he spurred 
his horse toward the east as if his life depended upon it. When he 
was beyond the sight of the letter writers, the rider slowed down 
to a more leisurely pace and at the first opportunity, dumped the 
letters in the river. When another group of travelers appeared, 
the play was re-enacted. As Schnyder put it, "It was nothing but 
a damn schwindle, but dey made a pushel o' money mit it." 4 " 

During the Civil War, volunteer troops replaced regulars at Fort 
Laramie. Schnyder as Ordnance Sergeant remained at the post. 
According to one newspaper. President Lincoln tendered Schnyder 
a captaincy in the Union Army, but he declined stating that he felt 
he would be of more use on the frontier fighting Indians. 

Schnyder did do some fighting during the Civil War, but it was 
with a white man rather than with Indians. For many years one 
of his duties was to raise the colors every morning at sunrise and 
lower them every evening at sunset. One day a man on horseback 
rode into the post and began firing at the flag. Schnyder ran to 
the storehouse, secured two dragoon pistols, and with one in each 
hand opened up a cross fire on the intruder. The man's horse fell 
dead, and he narrowly escaped with his life, receiving a wound in 
the arm. 17 

Sehnyder's first wife died in 1862 or 1863. The circumstances 
of her death are not known. On October 20, 1864, Schnyder 
married for the second time. His new wife, Julia, had been born in 
Ireland and was probably employed as a post laundress at the 
time. 4s Lewis Bram Hull tells of the marriage in his diary: 

45. Chicago American, February 10, 1910. 

46. John S. Collins. Across the Plains in '64 (Omaha: National Printing 
Company. 1904). Part I. 22. 

47. Chicago American, February 10, 1910. 

48. "Census Taken at Fort Laramie on June 24, 1880." Copy at Fort 
Laramie National Historic Site. Hereafter cited as 1880 Census. 



Fort Laramie Collections 

SCHNYDER'S HOME 1884-1886 

Wedding "down street." Sergt. Schnyder to cross-eyed Julia. Band 
serenades them. Big supper. Must be going to have a cold winter 
as weddings are all the rage. 49 

Leodegar and Julia had three children: Louisa born on Sep- 
tember 14, 1867;"'° Charlotte born in July, 1870; and Charles born 
sometime in 1873. 51 Including Florence and Mary, Schnyder had 
five children to support, and the expense prompted him to ask 
for a transfer in 1876. Major Edwin F. Townsend wrote to the 
Adjutant General of the Army for Schnyder on October 7: 

I desire to state that I have had a conversation with the Ordnance 
Sergeant Schnyder today, and he informs me that he has been sta- 
tioned at this post for 27 years, and has to provide for a large family, 
and expresses himself desirous of being transferred to some other post 

49. Myra Hull, ed., "Soldiering on the High Plains," 25. 

50. Nottingham to Hunton, June 6, 1927. Married to James Notting- 
ham, Louisa died childless in 1935. Letter from John H. Thompson, Sac 
City, Iowa, February 14, 1963. 

51. 1870 Census; 1880 Census. Charlotte, who married James Hamilton 
Thompson in 1891, died in 1944. The Thompsons had seven children: 
Albert, Paul, Lloyd, Ross, Julia, Angela, and John. Charles died unmarried 
in 1895. Letter from John H. Thompson, February 14, 1963. 



nearer the Rail road where he could live more cheaply, and I recom- 
mend that this be done."' 1 

Nothing came of the request. 

The last mention of the Schnyders occurred in the post records 
in 1883. In March, Post Surgeon D. G. Caldwell wrote Fort 
Laramie's Commanding Officer: 

A stray shot fired by some man at target practice in rear of the 
Company barracks passed through the school house door and slightly 
injured the Daughter of Ordnance Sergeant. I would therefore re- 
spectfully recommend that a different locality be selected for future 
practices and that the butts were made larger and more secure."'"' 

On September 24, 1886, the Adjutant General ordered Schnyder 
to the Fort at Clark's Point, New Bedford, Massachusetts. When 
the old soldier left Fort Laramie,"' 4 it was in the winter of its life; 
in less than four years the army sold the buildings and opened the 

Fort Laramie Collections 


'He had also seen it decline, after 1876, into quietness, 

vine covered trellises, and picnics on the lawn." 

52. Townsend to the Adjutant General, October 7, 1876, Post Records. 

53. Report for March, 1883, Medical History of Fort Laramie, Wyo- 
ming. Adjutant General's Records, National Archives. 

54. Special Order No. 223, 1886, Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant 
General's Office, Washington. Schnyder Collection. 


military reservation for settlement. Schnyder had seen it grow 
from a creaking adobe quadrangle into one of the strongest military 
posts in the West. He had also seen it decline, after 1876, into 
quietness, vine covered trellises, and picnics on the lawn. 

Schnyder went to Massachusetts by train. It was a new exper- 
ience for him as he had ridden in an ox drawn wagon when he 
came to Fort Laramie in 1849/"' 

The Fort at Clark's Point was no longer active, but the army 
left ordnance stores behind which had to be protected. Schnyder's 
duties consisted of accounting for the property and transferring 
it to other posts when requested to do so. 

On November 1 2, 1 890, upon his own application, the army 
placed the grizzled veteran on the retirement list. r,t! Schnyder and 
his wife settled on a farm near Tobias, Nebraska, where he spent 
the rest of his life, dying on December 19, 1896. r ' 7 

His family buried him in his best uniform, a gift from some 
trappers who sought shelter in Fort Laramie after the Grattan 
Fight. According to Louisa Schnyder, the trappers sent to New 
York for the uniform and paid $800 for it. r,s 

A soldier who knew Schnyder during the Civil War characterized 
him as follows: 

He was a true soldier, brave and modest. He was the most pains- 
taking and conscientious man that I ever knew. He spoke the English 
language brokenly, but he composed it perfectly. He wrote a hand 
almost like a copper plate and was an expert draughtsman. 59 

The facts of Schnyder's life do not contradict the characteriza- 
tion; in fact, they enlarge upon it. Schnyder did his work and did 
it well. He believed in organization. He was exact and thorough 
as a draftsman should be. He was consistent. He followed orders 
and accepted responsibility. He lived by a code. He was a man 
of tested courage and balanced judgement. He was a good soldier. 

55. Nottingham, "Sergeant Schnyder." 

56. Special Order No. 265, 1890, Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant 
General's Officer, Washington, Schnyder Collection. 

57. Chicago American, February 10, 1910. Julia died in 1911 and was 
buried with her husband at Tobias. 

58. Nottingham, "Sergeant Schnyder." 

59. Chicago American, February 10, 1910. 

Prices and Wages 
at fort Caramie, 1881-1885 

Robert A. Murray 

The price-wage structure of a given locale and time can be 
highly useful to students, readers, and interpreters of history. Such 
figures are not always available, but recent research has made it 
possible to compile such data for Fort Laramie in the years I88l- 

Military pay was the most stable figure for the period, being 
fixed by act of Congress. 

In the enlisted ranks, the base-pay of privates was $13 per 
month, corporals $15, and sergeants from $17 to $34, depending 
on specialty and assignment. All ranks received $1 per month 
extra for each 5 years of service. 1 In addition each enlisted man 
received per day the standard ration, consisting of: 

One pound and a quarter of beef or three-quarters of a pound of 
pork, eighteen ounces of bread or flour, and at the rate of ten pounds 
of coffee, fifteen pounds of sugar, two quarts of salt, four quarts of 
vinegar, four ounces of pepper, four pounds of soap, and one pound 
and a half of candles to every hundred rations, - 

A much greater gap existed between enlisted and officer pay 
than is the case today. The lowest paid commissioned officers, 
the second lieutenants, received $1400 per year. First lieutenants 
received $1500, captains $1800, majors $2500, lieutenant-colonels 
$3000, and colonels $3500.'' There was additional pay of 10% 
for each five years service up to a maximum of 40% . At this time 
officers were furnished housing but not rations. 4 At western posts, 
forage for officers' horses was usually furnished in kind."' 

The Commissary of Subsistence at each post sold a standard 
stock of items in addition to the ration items to officers and to 
married enlisted men and to company messes. These latter made 
purchases with company funds when available.'' 1 

At Fort Laramie, as at other sizeable posts, there were salaried 
civilian employees of the Quartermaster Department. In this 
period, typical positions and salaries were: 

engineer, $90 per month 

chief carpenter, $150 per month (seasonal) 

blacksmith, $75 to $80 per month 

wheelwright, $75 to $80 per month 

Quartermaster Agent. $75 to $83.33 per month 

wagonmaster. $55 per month 

teamsters, $35 per month 

Certain civilian employees were also entitled to draw rations. s 



It is difficult to determine other wages with precision. $20 to 
$40 per month and keep was a common wage for cowboys at the 
time. 1 ' Skilled workmen earned up to $3.50 per day. 10 Many 
artisans were paid on a piece work basis, notably blacksmiths at 
such rates as "$2 for shoeing a horse" and "$5 for setting a buggy- 
tire." n 

With such wages in mind, it is somewhat easier to evaluate the 
prices in the following table : 12 


ME A T: 

beef (fresh) lie 4 to 150 per lb. 

1 soup bone 800 

veal (fresh) 20p per lb. 

pork ( fresh ) 200 per lb. 

pork sausage 200 per lb. 

bacon 140 to 240 per lb. 

ham 180 to 200 per lb. 


(kind unspecified) 250 per lb. 


chicken 250 per lb. 
turkey 250 per lb. 

LARD: 171/20 to 230 per lb. 


milk (small can) 330 to 350 per can 
butter 350 to 380 per lb. 
cheese 121/2f to 250 per lb. 


dry beans 10c 4 per lb. 

flour 4'/2 to 60 per lb. 

sugar 140 to 200 per lb. 

salt 40 to 61/2 per lb. 

baking powder 500 to 600 per lb. 

yeast 520 per lb. 

soda 15c per lb. 

cornmeal 41/2 per lb. 

oatmeal 140 per lb. 

crackers 150 per lb. 

macaroni 250 per lb. 

vermicelli 25<i per lb. 

coffee 160 to 300 per lb. 

tea 850 to $1 per lb. 


pepper 200 to 250 per 14 lb. box 
vinegar 65e to 750 per gallon 
mustard (dry) 250 per !4 lb. box 
mustard (bottled) 340 per 4-oz. bottle 
ginger 200 to 250 per Va lb. box 
cinnamon 250 per Va lb. box 
cloves 250 per Va lb. box 
allspice 250 per Va lb. box 
flavoring extracts 380 per 2-oz. bottle 
cream of tartar 450 per lb. 


tomatoes (2 lb. can) 230 to 300 per 

peaches 271/2 per can 
beans 271/2 per can 
jelly ( 1 lb. can) 33c per can 

apples 210 per lb. 
prunes 180 per lb. 
peaches 180 per lb. 
raisins 300 per lb. 
citron 500 to 600 per lb. 


potatoes 40 to 60 per lb. 
lemons $1 per dozen 


soap 12Vi0 per bar 

lye 250 per can 

gelatine 271/2 per box 

pickles $1.37 to $1.65 per gallon 

syrup $1.05 to $1.75 per gallon 


soothing syrup 600 per bottle 

St. Jacobs Oil $1 per bottle 


beer (draft) 100 per large glass 
beer (24-oz. bottle) 400 to 500 per 

beer $19 per barrel 
whiskey 150 per shot 
whiskey $1.50 per pint 
claret 150 per glass 
champagne (Peiper & Heidseick) 

$1 per 12-oz. bottle 
straight grain alcohol $2 per quart 

chewing tobacco 800 to 900 per lb. 
Durham tobacco 800 per lb. 
smoking tobacco (unspecified) $1 

per lb. 
cigars 31/>0 to 100 each 
pipes 500 to 750 




matches 1 00 per box 

candles 250 per lb. 

lamps $2 each 

lamp reflectors 400 each 

lamp chimneys 10c to 150 each 

kerosene 50c per gallon 


corn 30 per lb. 
oats 40 per lb. 


fishhooks 200 per dozen 

lead shot 20c per lb. 

nails 10c per lb. 

padlocks 600 each 

rim locks 600 to $2.25 each 

hinges 35c per pair 

canteens $1 each 

frying pans 850 each 

tin plates 100 each 

coffee pots 650 each 

camp kettles 750 each 

tin cups 150 each 

water buckets 600 each 

knives and forks, 25c for one of 

dutch ovens $2.25 each 
washboards 500 each 
can openers 500 each 
half-gallon kerosene cans 600 each 
brooms 50c each 
water kettles $1.25 each 

tin pans 450 to 600 each 
butcher knives 75c to $1.25 each 
scissors 750 to $1 per pair 
two-gallon kegs 750 each 
whip staff 550 
whip lashes $2 each 


hats $5 to $6 each 
overalls $1.75 per pair 
trousers $8 per pair 
suspenders $1 per pair 
drawers $1.75 per pair 
socks 500 to 750 per pair 
shirts $3 each 
coats $5.50 each 
handkerchieves 250 each 
shoes $3.75 per pair 
boots $6 to $8 per pair 
overshoes $2.50 per pair 


shoes $2 to $7 per pair 
hats $1.50 to $4 each 
hose 450 per pair 
corsets $1.25 each 
corset-steels 250 per pair 


flannel 200 per yard 
canton flannel 200 per yard 
calico 10c to 12'/2C per yard 
towelling 250 per yard 
ribbon 120 to 350 per yard 
collarette $1.15 per yard 
thread 10c per spool, 6-for-5O0 


1. Thomas M. Exley, A Compendium of the Pay of the Army from 
1785 to 1888. Washington. Government Printing Office. 1888, pp. 40-41. 54. 

2. Revised Statutes of the U.S., 1878 edition, section 1 146. 

3. Exley, op. ci!.. pp. 48-49. 

4. Exley. op. cit., p. 55. 

5. Revised Statutes of the U.S.. 1878 edition, sections 1270, 1271, 1272. 

6. Dr. Don Rickey. Forty Miles a Day. Oklahoma University Press. 
Norman, pp. 1 16-122. 

7. Fort Laramie Post Returns. 1881-1885. RG98, National Archives. 

8. Revised Statutes of the U.S.. 1878 edition, section 1137. 

9. Edward Everett Dale, The Range Cattle Industry. Oklahoma Univer- 
sity Press. Norman, 1960, pp. 6, 49-50. 

10. Letter. "Stewart" to John London, April 26, 1884, in the John 
London Papers, Fort Laramie National Historic Site. 

11. Bills, George Walker to John London, October 4 and November 2. 
1882, in the John London Papers, Fort Laramie National Historic Site. 

12. This table was compiled by analysis of bills, receipts, statements, 
inventories, annotated orders in the John London Papers, Fort Laramie 
National Historic Site. 

fossil Munting 
in the Big Mom Basin 



Edited by 
Austin L. Moore 

In the summer of 1899 a party sponsored by Christopher W. Hall, 
of the University of Minnesota's department of Geology and Miner- 
alogy, visited the Big Horn Basin in Wyoming to collect fossilized 
prehistoric animals. Professor Hall did not accompany this expedi- 
tion, but it was through his efforts that financial backing was procured 
from businessmen in Minneapolis and St. Paul. The party included 
Dr. F. W. Sardeson, a geologist at the University of Minnesota who 
directed the field work, W. B. Stewart, a senior at the University, 
and Frank L. Moore, pastor of Oak Park Congregational Church, 
Minneapolis. In the years 1893, 1894, and 1896 Frank Moore had 
served as circuit rider under the Presbyterian Board of Missions for 
the towns of Hyattville, Shell, Otto, and Warren in the Big Horn Basin. 
His knowledge of the topography of the Big Horn Basin and his many 
contacts with the residents of that area probably account for his 
inclusion in the party. 

Unfortunately, most of the records of this fossil-hunting trip have 
disappeared. Diligent search has brought to light Professor Hall's 
summary of the accomplishments of the group, addressed to President 
Northrop of the University of Minnesota, and a short article, "Geo- 
logical Expedition'', contributed by W. B. Stewart to the February 10, 
1900, issue of the University's publication, "Ariel". To the editor's 
knowledge, the only other extant records of the trip are a diary and a 
single letter written by Frank Moore. 

Frank Moore's work and adventures as a Sunday School missionary 
and circuit rider in Wyoming are recorded in Souls and Saddlebags, 
the Diaries and Correspondence of Frank L. Moore, Western Mission- 
ary, 1888 - 1896, edited by Austin L. Moore. Big Mountain Press, 
Denver, 1962. 


Blue Creek, Mont., July 12, 1899 
Arrived [Billings, Montana] at 3 a.m. one and one-half hours 
late on account of freight wreck. Good sleep. . . . Met Mr. O. J. 
Palmer of Hyattville, L Wyoming]. He could take us in for mod- 
erate price. Bought provisions and outfits. Got dinner in camp, 
bacon, coffee, pan bread, tomatoes, peas, milk. After dinner 
packed up trunk and grub box. . . . Tooth ache. Hope to get 


along with it. . . . Billings good town. Business. Drove thirteen 
miles from Billings in p.m. 


Big Horn Basin, Wyo., July 16, 1899. 

Sunday a.m. Here we are inside the [Big Horn] Basin. Our 
camp is on Piney Creek just where it empties into Sage Creek, 60 
miles from Billings. We are getting along very slowly. Have 
made but little headway toward our destination. Consequently 
Stewart frets a little but we are a congenial party. We camp for 
Sunday here. If they had not had a preacher along I think they 
would have pushed on. I am chief cook. They are rather helpless 
about a camp fire. I get up some wonderful concoctions. . . . 

You ought to see the change in the appearance of our party. We 
are all burned as red and brown as the Indians we saw Friday. . . . 
1 wear a handkerchief about my neck. . . . My face is so sore that 
I shall not dare shave for a time. 

Where am I as 1 write? On a sand stone ledge fifty feet above a 
crystal stream. . . . Sage brush is my only shade, locusts my music. 
There is a gentle hum from the stream and occasionally a bird's 
song. But I have the feeling of being alone, alone yet not alone. 
How beautiful the rocks, brown, gray, yellow, and covered with 
lichens so delicate in shape and color. Would that I could paint. 
To the north Pryor mountain. Seven or eight large patches of 
snow have not yet yielded to the sun but send their daily supply of 
water to the ranches in the valley. . . . 

Friday we crossed the Crow Indian reservation [in Montana]. 
Valleys dotted with tepees. Indians everywhere. Prosperous, 
contented looking for Indians. Large, stalwart, fine looking men. 
Good rigs, good horses, good clothes. They are superior to the 
western tribes I have seen before. At night, Friday, we camped 
at Pryor Gap near twenty or more large piles of stones that mark 
the sight [sic] of a great battle between the Sioux and Crow 
Indians many years ago. 


Stinking Water River, July 17, 1899. 

Hot, slow, dry, alkali flats, . . . salt sage. Much land good if it 
could be watered. Prof, killed rattlesnake. Stewart shot sage 
hens, two with one shot. Cloud Peak loomed up. Snow there. 
Prof, and Stewart went geologizing to west. Supper by candle 
light. Bed at 10 o'clock. 

Big Horn River near Sheep Mountain Canyon, July 1 8, 1 899. 

My [thirty-third] birthday. Up at 4. Ready to start on at 6 
o'clock. Came to ferry and found it stuck on a sand bar. Left 
Palmer at ferry and got over in two trips. Drove to ranch and got 


hay. 9 a.m. Stewart is taking a picture of the red gypsum hills. 
Big Horn river in distance. Triassic eroded hills in fore ground. 
. . . Bald Mountain and range all in view to Black Mountain back 
of Hyattville and beyond. Cloud Peak very dim in far distance. 
Prof, and Stewart walked several miles and picked up quantities 
of belemnites and oyster shells. Jurassic zone. Sheep Mountain 
in view. Noon. Camp by sand stone ledge. After dinner took 
walk and collected belemnites and lamellibranch and oyster shells. 
Hot. Mail drove by, four men. First we have seen today. On 
ridge west of Sheep Mountain Stewart took picture of Triassic, 
red, and Jurassic, brown. ... In canon that . . . twists so much 
that teams can hardly get through. . . . Next, south side of Sheep 
Mountain. . . . Colors . . . remarkable, reds, grays, creams, purples 
. . . Far . . . ahead looking South east . . . bad lands between Shell 
and Nowood. Camped [at sundown] on Big Horn River above 
Sheep Mountain canon. Scorpion in bed. 

Belemnites are conical, squid-like fossils belonging to an extinct 
family. Lamellibranch are plate-like fossils of the class of mollusks 
which include mussels, clams, and oysters. Both are commonly found 
in Jurassic and Cretaceous rocks. 

Otto, Wyo., July 19, 1899. 
On hot road all a.m. Reached Greybull at 12:30. Camped 
near Mr. Alderdice's ranch. Good milk and butter, hay for horses, 
but awful alkali water. In p.m. drove up north side of Greybull 
River to Otto. Drove one steep pitch so bad it was a wonder we 
did not break the reach. Two foot jump at the bottom. Near Otto 
came to a bridge so badly washed out on one side that we had to 
unhitch the team and lead the horses singly over and then draw 
wagon over. . . . Camped at Otto. Met Blakesley, Mr. Wood and 
wife, Mrs. H., and others. Camp at 9:30. 

Brown's Ranch near Otto, Wyo., July 20, 1899. 
Forded Greybull River with water so deep as to run into wagon 
box. At 9:30 arrived at [Joe] Brown's ranch. Found good hay 
and good board. In p.m. Brown took us out into hills and we 
found the remains of a large animal. Took a few bones from the 
pile. The hill [was] badly eroded in which we found it. Camped 
in cabin on Brown's ranch. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 21, 1899. 
Walked to hills 2 l /i to 3 miles from ranch. Found bones of two 
animals. Stewart found head and feet of phenacodus horse, five 
toed. Prof. [Sardeson] found good jaw and vertebrae. I found 
fore leg bone of "horse" and a large tooth, also bone in rock. Prof, 
and Stewart dug it out. We find the bones on talus slopes. Find 
isolated pieces then trace them up. So far have had no success 
except where there is an escarpment of sand rock. Very hot 
except where we could find caves or overhanging banks. Quite a 


shower . . . last night. Sharp lightning. P.M. Stewart patching 
his "horse" up. We are getting settled in our room and Prof, is 
making packages of our fossils. 

The phenacodus was a small-brained, five-toed, slender-bodied, 
arch-backed, long-tailed, herbivorous mammal. It appeared early in 
the Paleocene and reached its culmination of development followed 
by extinction in the Eocene. The two best-known complete skeletons 
were discovered in the Big Horn Basin in 1K81 and have the size, 
respectively, of a tox and a pig. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 22, 1899. 
Terribly strong wind last night. Blew trees down in river bot- 
toms, tore hay stacks down, made log cabin tremble. Brown's 
folks got up and were ready to go into cellar. Went to the hills 
at 7:30. Walked perhaps four miles south. Followed gulch and 
found only broken pieces. Some good teeth and tusks. Stewart 
found two good spear heads and a jaw in the sand rocks. P.M, 
Hunt resulted in the find of one tusk and one tooth by myself and 
the teeth and some of the vertebrae of a phenacodus by Stewart. 
Explored country so much that we know better than before where 
to look. We need fresh erosion and in this locality low horizon. 
Cool tonight. Moon full. Am writing by moonlight. 

A Geologic Time Chart will be found at the end of this article. 

Browns Ranch, Wyo., July 23, 1899. 
Sunday. Went across Greybull River to Burlington. . . . Arrived 
. . . and hitched horse. Went to a Sunday School. Many classes, 
orderly school. Went into a Bible class and was handed a . . . 
Latter Day Saint book! 1 had got into the wrong school. Heard 
the lesson read. . . . They were very cordial afterward. Bishop 
Pollock asked me to go to dinner with him. . . . Beautiful day. 
Quiet, calm. Sabbath rest. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 24, 1899. 
Mr. Palmer came after his horses. Trip into hills resulted in find 
of several good teeth, two pieces of jaw. One with two teeth, 
phenacodus. . . . Stewart found good portions of a young coryph- 
odon and Prof, the greater part of a phenacodus. 1 did up bones 
and washed my clothes in p.m. Not feeling real well. Just tired. 
The day absolutely cloudless until 4 p.m. when some cirrus cloud 
fans rose from mountains west. Last night could see the entire 
sweep of the Big Horns by moonlight. 

Coryphodons were at the time of their appearance in the Paleocene 
mammals of about the size of a large sheep. They developed rapidly 
and in the Eocene were the largest of American land animals. The 
size of the specimens discovered by Professor Sardeson's party varied 
from that of a present-day tapir to that of an elephant, and the skulls 
of some of them bore horn-like protuberances. The feet of these 
monsters were heavy, plantigrade, and five-toed. Their cheek teeth 
were low-crowned and small: their canine teeth tusk-like. The largest 


canine tooth measured by Professor Sardeson was nine inches in length 
and three and one-half inches in circumference. The cause of the 
extinction of these dull-witted, swamp-dwelling, herbivorous creatures 
which occurred at the close of the Eocene is unknown. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 25, 1899. 

Trip of four hours in field. Stewart found leg and foot of one 

coryphodon. I found vertebrae and some joints of another. I 

found 12 teeth today, four back teeth, . . . and one "horse." Rode 

Snip to Otto. ... 10 miles afoot, 18 miles horseback. Cool. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 26, 1899. 
Cool in a.m. Saddled horses and rode . . . four miles or so. 
Am writing under a rock where I have taken shelter from the rain. 
So far this a.m. I have found a rib, a jaw of coryphodon, and 
three or four good joints. The strata here are puzzling. Can 
hardly trace them up one after another as we could back nearer 
the river. There are great stretches here where there are no hills 
with rock escarpment. Rather smooth, hard places like a pave- 
ment. The fossils are broken up much more when found in such 
places. Our best chance is to find fossils in the sand rock. Under 
such circumstances we are likely to find more entire skeletons. We 
have found enough so far to show us that they are in the hills, 
although it will take long search and much ground must be cov- 
ered to make a success. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 27, 1899. 

Three leg bones of a coryphodon. Went over by Dorsey Creek. 

Found the three bones on way over. Went way down to hills 

nearly south of Otto. Rained and got under rock. Dinner in 

hills. All tired. Three jaw pieces, 12 teeth in all today. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 27, 1899. 
Mr. Brown took us out to the field across Dorsey Creek. Found 
fine bad land erosion. Picked up jaws with many teeth. Also 
five other little pieces of jaws. One phenacodus jaw, teeth fine. 
Big loads going home. Dinner in hills. Found 65 or more teeth 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 28, 1899. 
. . . This a.m. started up bad land peak. It rises 800 to 1000 
feet above valley. Chased rattlesnake into hole. Could not dig 
him out. Prof, killed one a little later. Ponies carried us a good 
distance up into the hills. Found a few bones. The trip chiefly 
photographic. Successive bad land gulches cut through strata 
leaving great grooves and caves and overhanging ledges. Color 
mostly dull reds, greys, purples, yellows, creams. Pryor mountains 
north, Big Horns east. Hart Mountain west. We found clams and 
snails and picked many up. Started on and supposed we had 
found the main range. Instead only a spur. Down again and on 
to point where bad lands stretch away in grey and purple and red 


layers. Cliffs of rock and cliffs of clay, caverns, shelves, perched 
rocks, and sage brush slopes. Peaks, sugar loafs, ridges, hogbacks, 
all in a miscellaneous colored heap. Erosion in bad lands slow, 
but weathering slower. Saw 1 2 hawks tonight flying away from 
storm against the wind. Catching bugs. Sunshine away to south. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 30, 1899. 
A quiet Sunday at the ranch. Read, slept, wrote home. Hot in 
a.m. Windy and cloudy p.m. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., July 31, 1899. 

Went to Otto in a.m. . . . Gave out notice of preaching next 

Sunday. To hills from Otto across Dorsey Creek. Rained a little. 

. . . Found about 100 teeth today. Pretty good sets of seven jaws 

and bones to match. . . . 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., August 1, 1899. 
Left for hills south. Put double rig saddle on Billy. Goes O.K. 
Made long ride in hills and found nothing. Explored about the 
head of Dorsey Creek. Wrote on Article No. I in p.m. Saw most 
beautiful sunset, golden, purple, and blue effect on clouds, moun- 
tains, and sky. As sun sinks lower the intensity of the gold 
increases until it flows. Rays shoot high to zenith and cirrus 
clouds over mountain show creamy. Directly toward the west the 
heat waves make the whole scene have a rippling motion. Crickets 
chirp, mourning doves call one another, the river roars over its 
rocky bed. . . . Nature goes to sleep. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., Aug. 2, 1899. 
Worked gulches near butte this a.m. I found 37 teeth. One 
head well preserved. Also leg bones shorter than common. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., Aug. 2, 1899. 
Worked near Willow Creek. Found 37 teeth from one head, 
70 in all. Dinner in hills. Hot. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., Aug. 3, 1899. 

Early start. Up toward butte. Found one jaw and isolated 

teeth. Found large buffalo head and deer and elk horns. Wrote 

on Article I when 1 got home. Rain in p.m. Billy jumped up the 

bank of a ditch and almost tumbled back in. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., Aug. 4, 1899. 

1 write from midst of bad lands. Wonderfully silent. There is 
a great sand rock at my back furnishing fine shade. ... In p.m. 
finished Article I and got it ready to mail to Prof. Hall. 1 1 teeth. 

The editor has been unable to locate any of the four articles which 
Frank Moore wrote and mailed to Professor Christopher W. Hall. 


Brown's Ranch, Wyo., Aug. 5, 1899. 
Sunday. Ready to go to church. Beautiful morning. Feel first 
rate. Mr. and Mrs. Brown, Prof., and I drove to Otto. I 
preached. Home in p.m. 

Winslow's Ranch, Otto, Wyo., Aug. 7, 1899. 

Rode black horse. Went to hills in a.m. Rained and we got 

wet. In evening I rode to Otto. Got paper and rode to Winslow's 

ranch. Dr. Johnson there. Staid over night there. Thirty-four 

teeth found. Five different animals represented. 

Tatman Mountain, Wyo., Aug. 8, 1899. 
In camp on Tatman Mountain. Dry camp. Supper of baked 
beans, coffee, bacon, bread. Horses hobbled. . . . 

Tatman Mountain, Wyo., Aug. 9, 1899. 
Moved camp fat] 8 a.m. . . . Fifty foot steep slide. Mountain 
sheep track. Hunting water. . . . Driving pack horse. Pack horse 
almost over steep ledge. No shoes on horses. Acres of ground, 
no water. Buffalo head [and] hide. Can't stop in fertile fossil 
region for want of water. Elk trail winding down gulch. Sliding 
down hill on horse. Rained. Shelter under horse's neck. Wa- 
tered horses in muddy red water. Slid down hill 50 feet. Jumped 
ditch 3 feet across, 7 feet deep. P.M. We camped at water holes. 
Dinner at 1 o'clock. At 2:30 started on. Fine success for me, 
leg bone [of a] coryphodon. Whole jaw of small animal. Three 
jaws and head bones of coryphodon. Best found yet. Twenty- 
one teeth of small animal besides head and whole jaw. Bad lands 
. . . deeply eroded, colored brightly. Fine shelves for bones. 
Tired from hunting. Five minutes rest on flat ground. Total 
relaxation and on again. Evening. In camp about fire. Cool. 
Beautiful starlight. 

Tatman Mountain, Wyo., Aug. 10, 1899. 
Up early 4:30. Breakfast and off after horses. Stewart and 
Prof, went hunting fossils. Brown and I started for horses. 
Trailed them six or seven miles straight toward gap in mountains. 
Caught them at 9:30. . . . Rode bare back down. Back at noon. 
In p.m. Stewart and Brown went out and killed an antelope. Prof, 
and I went after fossils. I found . . . over 30 vertebrae, also 12 
teeth. About 400 teeth to date. Back to camp late and supper 
by fire light. Cool breeze. Twenty shooting stars. 

Tatman Mountain, Wyo., Aug. 11, 1899. 
Up at 5 o'clock. Breakfast in cool. Out on trip. Wild horses 
ran from us when they saw us three miles away. Ran along edge 
of butte. ... In field under rocks resting. Hot. . . . Camp [is] 
safe when we go away and leave it. Found jaw of coryphodon, 
three teeth in front welded together. In p.m. rode up gulch with 


Brown. Found 12 vertebrae of coryphodon and fish scales. Sup- 
per by fire light. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., Aug. 12, 1899. 
Wakened in night by my horse. Caught him and tied him up. 
In morning he was loose. Saddled him before sun up for our 
other horses were gone. Found them four miles away headed for 
home. Hard work heading them off. Ran them back to camp. 
Left camp at 9 o'clock. Top of Tatman Mountain at noon. At 
ranch by 3 p.m. Tired. Packs rode well. Tied them on with 
squaw hitch. . . . Saw big, fine eagle on Tatman Mountain. He 
flew to valley and lit on bad land point. . . . 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., Aug. 13, 1899. 
Sunday. A quiet day at the ranch. Tired and resting. Wrote 
letters home. 

Brown's Ranch, Wyo., Aug. 14, 1899. 
At ranch. Wrote Article II for Prof. Hall and began III. Prof. 
[Sardeson| packed boxes. Clearest of days. Wrote Prof. Hall. 
Sunday saw turtle dove in nest. Got close up to it, 3 feet. 

W. Gould's Ranch near Otto, Wyo., Aug. 15, 1899. 

. . . Wrote Article III and finished correcting II. Dinner at 

Brown's and off to Otto. At 3 there. . . . Went into bad lands 

near Otto and got little tooth, large teeth, and large pile of bones. 

Met W. Gould on road. At house at 5:30. 

Russell H. Austin's Ranch, Shell, Wyo., Aug. 16, 1899. 
Up at 6. . . . Left W. Gould's at 8:30. Called one-half hour at 
J. Gould's. . . . Then out on road. . . . On bench found a few 
fossils. To Basin City at 1 1 o'clock. . . . Horse shod. Called 
about town till 4:30. Left then for Shell. . . . Rode up to Shell 
Creek in 2 hours. To Austin's 3Vi hours. Mail from Coral and 
Prof. Hall. Beautiful here on creek. 

Austin's Ranch, Shell, Wyo., Aug. 17, 1899. 

Up early and rode to Mr. Hardy's to head off Mr. Patten. 
Found | Mr. Patten J and he consented to make a visit to dinosaur 
fields. The great discovery. Left ranch at 9:30. At 10:30 
mounted hill and looked down into valley. Escarpment of yellow 
sand stone. Purple beneath. Chalky or white lime stone ledge 
eroded into purple and gray bad land hills. Saw shoulder bone of 
dinosaur six rods away. Bones cover several acres. Bones 3 to 5 
feet long and shoulder bone 15 inches across top. Mr. Patten 
kindly let me see it all and he left for home at 1 1 . I put my mark 
up on the ground on a stone. Must be remains of several dino- 
saurs here. Rode around point and discovered another bed. Here 
found tooth fully preserved. Returned to upper creek. Dinner 


at Bertha Solan's. Charles there. Up to Austin's and told of the 
find. Brought two vertebrae and a tail piece along. Rested and 
visited in p.m. 

During the Mesozoic, a period of some 130 million years, flying, 
marine, and land reptiles were masters of the world. Dinosaurs of 
many varieties and sizes originated in the Triassic era, reached their 
zenith of development in the Jurassic, and disappeared near the end 
of the Cretaceous. Mammals, which in the succeeding Cenozoic per- 
iod were to replace reptiles as the dominant species, were small, scarce, 
and primitive. In western America, including Wyoming, the Rocky 
Mountains had not yet been uplifted and vast areas were occupied by 
rivers, lakes, lagoons, and an inland sea. The climate was warm, 
rainy, and humid. Lush tropical vegetation provided abundant fodder 
for a variety of herbivorous dinosaurs, including Brontosaurus, the 
largest four-legged creature ever to live on earth. One of these 
monsters found near Medicine Bow, Wyoming, in 1898 measured 
fifteen feet two inches in height and sixty-six feet eight inches in 
length. The herbivorous dinosaurs, in turn, were preyed upon by the 
carniverous Allosaurus and the even more predatory Tyrannosaurus 
rex. Late in the Cretaceous era dinosaurs became extinct partly as a 
result of climatic changes. When tropical zones became temperate or 
cold, dinosaurs lost their customary food supply. Their over-special- 
ization and perhaps their stupidity prevented them from adapting to 
the changed conditions. 

Austins Ranch, Shell, Wyo., Aug. 18, 1899. 
In a.m. rode through hills south in search of more dinosaurs. 
Didn't find any trace although I rode along the Jurassic up lift for 
miles. Back to ranch at noon. In p.m. called on Mrs. Smith and 
Sam. Couldn't ride farther on account of horse's foot. Wrote 
letters to Prof. Hall and others. 

Austin's Ranch, Shell, Wyo., Aug. 19, 1899. 

Called along Shell Creek on Ed. Smiths, McKenzies, Kershners, 

Charles Lampman, Al Lampman, Grandma Lampman, Robert R., 

and Eldridge Hatten. Back. The men came in at 6 o'clock. 

General prosperity. Six hundred tons of hay on Horse Creek. 

Austin's Ranch, Shell, Wyo., Aug. 20, 1899. 

Preached to 70 people at school house. In p.m. baptized child 
at Mr. McKenzie's. 

Camp on Shell Creek, Wyo., Aug. 21, 1899. 

Went down Shell Creek and began work on fossils. Large and 
well preserved. . . . Dug at big bone. In camp late at night. 

Camp on Shell Creek, Wyo., Aug. 23, 1899. 

Out in hills early. Brown and I worked on big bone all a.m. 
Chipped out from beneath the bone. Pasted cracks with flour. 
Gunny sack overtop soaked in flour paste. Dried in sun. Hard- 
ened. Dug other bones out under the end of the large bone. 
Large bone 5 feet 3 inches long and 1 8 inches across large end. 


Austin's Ranch, Shell, Wyo., Aug. 23, 1899. 
Wrote Article IV and sent it to Prof. Hall. In p.m. called at 
Charles Lampman's. Supper there. Returned to Austin's. Fire 
in fireplace, like old times. Robert brought mail. Letter from 
Coral, Baby sick. Decision in 10 minutes. Robert to ride with 
me to railroad. Packed sack. Saddled. Off at 9:45 p.m. Rode 
Snip to Charles Lampman's and got horse of him. . . . Trail 
through hills to red gulches. 

The letter which Frank Moore received from his wife. Coral, con- 
tained the disturbing news that Alice, the fourteen month-old daugh- 
ter of Frank and Coral, was seriously ill with pneumonia. At this 
juncture Frank immediately decided to return with all possible dis- 
patch to Minneapolis. The story of his horseback journey across the 
Big Horn Mountains to Parkman, Wyoming, and from there by rail to 
Billings, Montana, and to Minneapolis is the closing episode of his 
18^9 Wyoming journal. 

En route to Parkman, Wyo., Aug. 24, 1899. 
Twelve midnight. On up and up. Beautiful moonlight, rocks 
clear cut. Hunt's at 1 o'clock a.m. Past Hudson Falls to Beaver 
Creek. . . . Foot of steep trail at 2 o'clock. Long, hard climb. To 
place where George Sabin was thrown over. Place where little 
Sender girl was killed. Up and up. Chilly. Saw outlines of 
mountains far away. Bald Mountain trail. . . . Steep gulches in 
wagon trail. Through trees and on top at 3 o'clock. Road at 
3:30. Foot wet in Beaver Creek. Cold. Snow Vi mile away. 
. . . Frost, ice, walked to keep warm. Stars clear. Bald Mountain 
road 3:50. Morning star at 4 o'clock. Faint light at 4:30. Sun- 
rise at 5:15. Clear, rosy on lime cliff, on snow. Dead horse by 
the way. Our horses doing nicely. Fine riders. At six o'clock 
at ranch on mountain. Breakfast there. Met forest preserve 
warden. Rested 3 hours. At 9 a.m. on road. Nine-thirty at 
Fool's Creek. . . . Ten-thirty saw valley from summit. . . . At 1 1 :30 
at fort. . . . Twelve forty-five p.m. at Parkman. Sixty-five miles 
in 15 hours, 1 1 Vi actual hours of travel. Dinner. Resting. Sent 
message. Three forty-five boarded train. Passed Custer battle- 
field on Crow Reservation. . . . Arrived in Billings at 7:05 p.m. 
Found telegram from Coral that baby is better. . . . 

Billings, Mont., Aug. 25, 1899. 
Wired Coral when I will be home. 

The fossils discovered by Professor Sardeson and his assistants were 
studied and classified at the University of Minnesota. Their value, based on 
prices demanded for such specimens on the mineral market, was estimated 
to be not less than 3000 dollars. The inventory of findings as presented by 
Professor Hall on April 3, 1900, to President Northrop reads as follows: 

A. A number of invertebrates of different types. 

B. Parts of the skeletons of vertebrates: 

1. Three or four species of crocodiles from the Tertiary. 

2. Three species of turtles from the Tertiary. 



3. One or two species of monkey from the Tertiary. 

4. One species of creodont. 

5. One or more species of five-toed horse, phenacodus. 

6. One or more species of three-toed horse, and one or two probably 
related species. 

7. Four or five species of coryphodon. 

8. Bones of an archaic rodent. 

9. One or more species of birds. 

10. Nearly 100 bones of huge dinosaurs from the Jurassic. 









Modern man. 
Early man. 



Supremacy of mammals. 


Miocene Appearance of racoons, weas- 

els, and mastadons. Develop- 
ment of the horse. Common 
occurrence of rhinoceroses, 
camels, cats, and dog-like 

Oligocene Disappearance of archaic 

mammals. Appearance of a 
primitive anthropoid ape, ele- 
phants, dogs, cats, saber tooth 
tigers, beavers, squirrels, mice, 
camels, giant hogs, and rab- 
bits. Development of the 
horse and rhinosceros. 

Eocene Mammals included ancestral 

horses, tapirs, coryphodons, 
camels, pigs, rhinoceroses, 
rodents, monkeys, and whales. 

Paleocene Mammals became dominant 

and included archaic flesh- 
eating creodonts, primitive 
coryphodons, insectivores, and 
marsupials. 70,000,000 



Presence of crocodiles, turtles, 
snakes, lizards, and marine 
invertebrates. Appearance of 
marsupials and placental 
mammals. Maximum devel- 
opment followed by extinction 
of dinosaurs and flying rep- 





Dominance of reptiles on 
land, in the sea, and in the air. 
On land saurians. including 
dinosaurs, abounded. Mam- 
mals were small and scarce. 
Birds made their first appear- 

1 60,000, 000 


Decline of amphibians. De- 
velopment of reptiles, includ- 
ing dinosaurs. Existence of a 
few small, primitive mam- 









Development of reptiles. 
Appearance of small reptiles. 
Fishes abounded and am- 
phibians appeared. 
Earliest land animals and 

Appearance of primitive 

Appearance of marine inver- 





Courtesy Edward O. Parry 
(Savage & Ottinger Photo) 


fiotes oh the Early £ife 
of Chief Washakie 


Edited by 
Don D. Fowler 


In his initial article in the series "Washakie and the Shoshoni" 
published in the Annals,* Dale L. Morgan calls attention to the fact 
that "scarcely a beginning has been made in reconstructing the 
history of the Shoshoni."' 1 Mr. Morgan's collecting and publish- 
ing of the numerous documents relating to the Shoshonis was itself 
a major contribution to that history. The present article is con- 
siderably smaller in scope, presenting as it does, a single document. 
Yet this document is of some historical interest since it reports 
some of Chief Washakie's reminiscences of his life prior to the 
advent of reservation times. Further, it provides, in Washakie's 
own words, corroboration of some aspects of Shoshoni culture 
prior to the reservation period — in this instance, the location of 
settlements and patterns of warfare— as well as Washakie's re- 
membrances of significant events in the history of his tribe and of 
Wyoming. Thus the "Notes" are of interest both to the historian 
and the anthropologist, in that they provide a narrative of events 
as well as some insight into Shoshoni cultural patterns in the early 
19th century. 

The "Notes" came to light during the present writer's research 
of historical materials, at the Bancroft Library, University of Cali- 
fornia, toward a study of Shoshoni ethno-history, which is pres- 
ently in preparation. 

* I wish to acknowledge the permission granted by the Bancroft Library 
to publish the manuscript. Also, I wish to gratefully acknowledge a fellow- 
ship from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research which 
made my research at the Bancroft Library and at the Wind River Reserva- 
tion, Wyoming, possible. 

1. Dale L. Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni, Pt. 1", Annals of 
Wyoming, Vol. 25. No. 2, 1953. p. 141. 

2. Information contained in a brochure in the Ray Papers entitled, 
"Military Record of Brigadier General P. H. Ray. U.S. Army Retired. 


The "Notes" on Washakie's life herein presented were taken down 
in longhand, apparently from dictation by Washakie, by Captain 
(later Brigadier General) Patrick Henry Ray. Captain Ray was com- 
mander of Company I of the 8th Infantry, U.S. Army, stationed at 
Fort Washakie on the Wind River Indian Reservation from April, 
1891 to August, 1893 and from August, 1893 until April, 1895 he 
served as Indian Agent at the Fort. 2 The "Notes" were made some- 
time during this period but it could not be established exactly when. 
The original manuscript together with other of Ray's papers were 
later donated to the Bancroft Library. 

In editing the notes we have made no deletions or changes in the 
narrative, adding only two periods at the ends of sentences. 


Washakie was born in the tribe known as "Flatheads." He was 
very poor when he was young and after he grew up to be a tall 
young man he joined the Shoshones at the age of 16. 8 At that 
time he first knew Bridger who was a little older than himself. A 
short time after his marriage the soldiers came (Albert Sydney 
Johnston) which set the year at 1858. 4 Bridger built a cabin. 
The first white man seen by Washakie was a French man who 
built a log house on the Green River and commenced trading with 
the Indians and at Fort Bridger. Washakie went trapping with 
Bridger many years along the Snake and Green Rivers. He re- 
mained with Bridger and the French traders until he had a family 
of four children. He was not full chief at that time. A com- 
missioner came and asked him to bring all his Indians into Fort 
Bridger."' The tribes were then divided, some were afoot and 
some were on horses, but few of the horse Indians are now left. 
At that time they asked Washakie who was chief of the Shoshones. 
All the Indians were scattered, some hunting for buffalo. The real 
head chief was with the party hunting buffalo, his name Gah-na- 

3. Washakie's joining the Shoshoni at age 16 would appear to conflict 
with Hebard's view (Grace Hebard, "Washakie" Cleveland, 1930) that 
Washakie, with his mother and siblings, joined the Lemhi Shoshoni band 
when Washakie was 4 to 5 years old, after his father was killed. If, on the 
other hand "Shoshonies" here refers to the Shoshoni of the Fort Bridger 
area, there is again conflict with Hebard's account since she places his 
joining this group sometime between 1826 and 1832, which, according to 
her estimation of Washakie's age (b. ca. 1798) would have made him be- 
tween 28 and 34 years old. Bridger arrived with the Ashley party in the 
early 1820's at which time Washakie would have been in his early or late 
20's if Hebard's estimation of his age is correct. 

4. Here again there is an inconsistency, unless we assume that Washakie 
did not marry until he was in his fifties. Traditionally, Washakie is said to 
have been married about 1833 or 34, according to popular literature and to 
his descendents at Wind River whom the writer interviewed in the fall of 
1961. The date for the arrival of Johnston's Army should be 1857. 

5. This was probably Jacob H. Holeman who was at that time Indian 
Agent for the Utah Territory. See Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshonis, 
Annals Vol. 25, No. 2, p. 163. 


cum-ah, and there were a number of war chiefs. Oh-ho-mag- 
we-ah, who was chief medicine man, introduced the Sun Dance 
among the Shoshonies. He belonged to a band of Shoshonies who 
are extinct now, perishing from the small pox. They lived along 
Bear River. Snake and Green Rivers. Up to that time he had not 
seen any soldiers and he heard that soldiers were in the Arapahoe 
country calling in representatives of all tribes. The commissioner 
said they must not fight anymore among themselves but must make 
friends. The Shoshones were at war with the Ute, Sioux, Arapa- 
hoe and Cheyennes. Flatheads were friends and also ths Ban- 
nocks. He was sent to all the Shoshones to tell them there should 
be no more wars and all the bands were to be at peace. The 
Shoshones all met, had a big talk. Bridger was there and some 
white men with wagons. Their meeting took place on the Sweet- 
water near where old St. Mary stage station was established/' 
This was the first white man who ever came to give them council. 
George Terry, a Mormon, was there. Washakie told them all 
what the commissioner said and they slept on it all night and in the 
morning when they got there [sic] were a great many buffalo in 
sight. Some stopped to kill buffalo and then went with Bridger. 
They had not gone far when they were met by an emigrant train 
who told them that a Shoshone and his boy had been killed by 
six Indians, and asked Washakie to go and look at them. Then 
the commissioner, Bridger and Washakie all saw the dead Indians 
and they all felt very bad, just when peace was near. They found 
that the Cheyennes had killed them. They pursued them but 
could not overtake them. They held a council and asked the 
commissioner if the Shoshones were the first he had talked with, 
if he had not lied about all making peace. They held a council 
for three days and all the Shoshone chiefs were not in favor of 
going any further with the commissioner. On the morning of the 
4th day, Bridger came to his lodge and woke him and told him 
he was going to leave them, that if they were afraid to go with him, 
he was going back to his store. His goods were being wasted and 
he was going back. Bridger told Washakie that he must be chief, 
the others had gone back and that he must get the young men in 
and he did so. He called in all the young men who had been to 
war with him and told them he was going to stay with the white 
men and they must make up their minds to go or stay, and they 
all said they would stay. There were a good many of them. They 
selected Washakie as their war chief. Bridger and all were well 
pleased. The young men said they would fight the Cheyenne, the 
Arapahoes and Sioux. The next day they left their lodges and 
went down the river with the whites to Fort Laramie. There they 

6. This is corroborated by letters written by Holeman dated Aug. 11, 
1851 and Sept. 21, 1851. See Morgan, op cit. 


found a great many Sioux, Mandans, Arapahoes, etc. He never 
before saw so many lodges and his people were frightened and 
expected to be killed. There were no soldiers at Laramie at that 
time. He met old Friday there. They camped near the fort and 
Friday and he went and saw soldiers for the first time. They were 
in camp and were the first men he ever saw in black coats (To- 
quash-ho). Bridger said they were chiefs and Indians must do 
what they said. All made friends with the Sioux and Arapahoe. 
There were Mandans there called the corn eaters. The soldiers 
told them not to be afraid, that they would help the Shoshones if 
the Cheyennes attacked them. 

The next day the Cheyennes came mounted for a fight. They 
came in full array with war bonnets and coo sticks, the same 
Indians that killed the two Shoshones on the Sweetwater. They 
shouted and sang. Washakie got ready to fight them and the 
soldiers got ready to help him. Four officers went out to meet 
the Cheyennes and stopped in front to look at them (reconnoiter). 
And when the Cheyennes saw the soldiers were ready, they drew 
off. The Shoshones then went with the soldiers to old Fort Mitch- 
ell at the Mouth of Horse Creek, where they were to meet a train 
loaded with presents. They waited until the leaves began to fall. 
Wagons finally came. That was when he was made chief. He 
and the soldiers camped together and the Sioux, near Ft. Mitchell. 
He there got his first tea. He knew about coffee but never before 
saw tea. Some of the Indians thought it was a new kind of 
powder and were afraid to drink it. They did not know what 
bacon was. They said it was not bear or deer fat. Bridger told 
them it was different from the Buffalo or bear and was a lard. 

The Cheyennes came in and made peace and gave up the scalps 
taken on the Sweetwater. They gave them all the provisions they 
could carry and all agreed to be good friends. He is the only one 
who kept his word — their ears were bad and they soon forgot. 
They all broke camp and went home. He came back to the Sweet- 
water and they had barely got back when a war party of Crows 
came down and stole a lot of Shoshone horses. The Shoshones 
followed and killed two Crows. Washakie was not there. All the 
others broke the treaty and he has fought them ever since. 

War 1 . The first fight was before I was married, I was a boy. It 
was with the Blackfeet. There were eight in the party, all on 

7. It is difficult to assess when the events described herein took place. 
If we accept the traditional dales for Washakie's birth (about 1798) and 
marriage (about 1833) the internal evidence would then indicate that the 
various raids took place between ca. 1820 and 1840. Despite the lack of 
precise dates the account furnishes interesting evidence that the Shoshonis 
raided for horses, guns and captives and took scalps in typical Plains Indian 


foot. s We went until we found five lodges of Blackfeet. We cap- 
tured all the horses in sight, I getting nine. We captured one 
woman and two children. The woman refused to go and one of 
the men killed her. It was in the summer and in the day time. 
All the people ran away but others came. We surprised them. 
We crawled up and got their horses this being the first they knew 
of it. The Crows had a great many Buffalo and beaver skins and 
horses. We killed several Blackfeet. We came from Bear River 
to the Blackfoot country. We found them three day [sic] north 
of Yellowstone near Three Buttes. We all came back safe. The 
Shoshones had very few horses. Some were armed with rifles and 
some with bows and arrows and spears. Oh! We were no good 
long ago, we were rattle-headed. 

Ever since 1 was a boy, we the Shoshones, always stood alone 
except for the Bannocks and Flatheads. We fought everybody 
and everybody fought us. The Bannocks and Flatheads were only 
friends. We are not the same people, we do not talk alike. 
2nd The next time we went to war was against the Blackfeet. 
There were ten of us. We met six Blackfeet coming to make war 
on us. all were on foot. We were lying concealed behind a hill 
and saw them a long way off. We had six guns and the Blackfeet 
had four. We charged them on foot and the Blackfeet threw off 
their robes and ran into a stream that was deep, up to their waists. 
1 killed one Blackfoot and took his scalp and one of our men killed 
another. The other four ran into the timber. I captured two 
guns. They were trade guns cut off — flint locks. We got two 
scalps and the other four got away. We got what we went for, 
hair. We then returned to our country. Bear River, with our 
scalps and the two guns, but we did not get any horses. 

3rd The next was also against the Blackfeet. We were looking 
for their hair. We crossed the Yellowstone and went to the south 
of Three Buttes. There were eleven of us, two mounted and the 
rest on foot. We saw in the distance a great many Blackfeet mov- 
ing their village. We lay concealed behind a hill and watched them 
pass and saw them go into camp about two miles away. While we 
were watching one man mounted. The man came toward us and 
I said now keep still and we will cut him off. He came back on 
the road riding rapidly. He had lost a looking glass. After he 
passed us we cut him off from his camp and I killed him. I shot 
him with my gun and took his scalp. They did not hear or notice 

8. Going to raid for horses on foot even when there were other horses 
available was a widespread pattern among the Northern Plains tribes. See 
Bernard Mishkin, "Rank and Warfare Among the Plains Indians," Mono- 
graphs of the American Ethnological Society HI, New York, and the 
sources cited therein. 


us in the village though we fired several shots. I fired one shot 
and wounded him. He ran and I chased him on my horse and 
killed him with my knife. We then left with the horse and one 

4th The next was a large war party, a great many Shoshones. We 
saw the Blackfeet running Buffalo of which there were a great 
many. It was to the east of Three Buttes. We watched them until 
they had dressed all their meat and while some were still cutting 
up their meat and some were still in their lodges. We watched 
until most of the hunters had passed to the lodges. We saw them 
running, two on one horse, and their horses heavily loaded with 
meat. We charged them. I captured one young man who is now 
with the Crows. I sold him to the Crows for a horse, a gun and 
some blankets. He cried when I captured him but by signs I told 
him I would not kill him. The other two escaped into the brush. 
We captured and used the horses, and all the meat. I left the boy 
with my party and with another man followed the men who had 
run into the brush. Two Blackfeet fired at us and missed us, they 
were very close but they missed. I killed one with my knife and 
the other Shoshone killed the other with his gun. We got both 
scalps. The Blackfeet found the dead men and followed our 
trail. We ran and came into a Crow village. We ran through the 
village and left the Crows to fight the Blackfeet. The Blackfeet 
thinking it was the Crows who had killed their young men fought 
fiercely and in the fight we got clear off and returned to our country 
with the horses and scalps. We could hear them fighting and 
laugh much to hear our enemies killing each other. 

5th We were all in camp on Green River when a great many 
Shoshones went to war against the Blackfeet. There were a great 
many of us all on horses. We passed north to the west of the 
Teton range, crossed the Snake and struck a trail in what the White 
calls Teton Basin. We followed it to the Missouri and below the 
canon [sic] and there we saw a great many Blackfeet lodges. 
They were along the Missouri river, all strung along. We attacked 
the village and all the Blackfeet came out to fight us. We fought 
a long time and the Blackfeet were too much and whipped us and 
drove us off. We saw the village first the day before and held a 
council and decided to fight and attack at day light the next morn- 
ing. We charged the main village and captured about one half of 
their horses and fought until about noon. We got the horses all 
away. During the fight five Shoshones were killed and we fought 
hard to keep the Blackfeet from getting their scalps but could not 
save them. We killed four Blackfeet but got only one scalp. The 
Blackfeet then made signs that they wanted to stop fighting and 
make peace and we agreed and separated. The Blackfeet went to 
their lodges and we returned to our own country, and brought back 
all the captured horses. 


6ih At this time Bridger had a store on Green River and from 
there I made up my war parties. I started again to hunt for a 
Blackfoot village on the same trail as before, through Teton Basin. 
I found a village on the Missouri above the canon [sic], 1 had 
about forty men, all on foot. We met them running out from the 
village hunting Buffalo, the buffalo being between us and the 
Blackfeet, but the Blackfeet got the buffalo in a small basin and 
killed a great many and while we were watching the hunt, we were 
oined by a party of our own people who had followed us on 
horses. We held a council and I said if your horses are not too 
tired we will leave all men on foot and charge the Blackfeet, they 
were still chasing buffalo and made a great dust. Many buffalo 
were wounded and the Blackfeet were killing those who are very 
hard to kill when they are mad. We charged through the dust, 
many who were dressing buffalo were off their horses who were 
stampeded and started the main herd and all ran away, so fast 
we could not catch them. The Blackfeet turned out after us and 
we turned back to our people who were on foot. They followed us 
and fought us but we fought our way back. There were only 
thirteen of us, against them all, our men on foot had been left a 
long way back. We got into the cottonwood timber when I called 
my men to tie their horses and fight on foot. After fighting some 
time I saw that the Blackfeet were not very brave. They stayed 
so far away that a strong man could not shoot an arrow to them 
so I determined to charge them, which we did and drove them off 
when they rallied and drove us back. We did this often, until the 
Blackfeet horses got tired when one young Shoshone pursued a 
Blackfoot and killed him. After we got his scalp and the Black- 
feet saw it, we made a sign to stop fighting and they let us draw 
off. We found our men on foot and we all returned to Green 
River, having only one scalp. 

7th I soon got tired of staying at home and made up a war party 
of twelve men. One named Comanche now living here, was with 
us. We were all on foot. We found them in camp in the same 
place. I was married now. We stopped in the hills as close as we 
could get and watched them. We heard them firing and a herd 
of mountain sheep ran past. Now I said if they have killed a 
sheep we may catch them cutting it up and get a scalp. We turned 
to the right and all hid and we had it fixed when a fool got up, 
walked up in sight and the man got on his horse and ran away. 
I now went up in a mountain in a strong place and waited for them 
to attack me but they did not come. I challenged them by flashing 
my mirror but they dare not come. 1 now said keep quiet until 
night and we will go to their village and when it was dark started. 
They were all singing and beating drums. We crept close and lay 
behind a little hill and watched them. I asked all who had a brave 
heart to go with me into the village and cut some horses. They 


were camped in two big circles with their horses inside. I found 
two with hearts big enough to go and when they were all asleep 
we began to creep up, when the dogs began to bark. We cut loose 
[more] than twenty horses. Now I sent two more in another 
direction after securing all we had captured. Two more men had 
gone and while we were waiting for them we saw two men ap- 
proaching on horseback. We could not tell who they were. They 
proved to be Blackfeet who took the horses all back and their dogs 
soon smelled us. They shouted "our horses are being stolen" and 
we ran away and did not fight. It was soon daylight and we ran 
fast and soon got into the mountains and came home poor — we 
got nothing. We were glad to get off and when we got to the 
mountain we rested and watched. 

ftozenian Zrail Zrek 

Trek No. 14 of the Emigrant Trail Treks 

Sponsored by 




Johnson County Historical Society, Sheridan County Historical 

Society and Natrona County Historical Society 

under the direction of 

Paul Henderson, Lyle Hildebrand, Maurine Carley 

Compiled by 

Maurine Carley - Trek Historian 

July 13-14, 1963 
Caravan — 47 cars 103 participants 


Captain: Lt. Fred Wickam, Wyoming Highway 

Scout and Topographer Paul Henderson 

Wagon Boss ...Lyle Hildebrand 

Announcer. Charles Ritter 

Guides Jim Moore, Dick Eklund, Wilbur F. 

Williams, Glenn Sweem 

Historian ...Maurine Carley 

Photographers Pierre LaBonte, Charles Ritter 

Press Gertrude Spomer 

Registrars Paula Waitman, Fred Hildebrand 

Cooks Elizabeth Hildebrand, Vera Ritter, 

Thelma Condit, Helen Henderson 

NOTE: Computing miles for this trek start at at Fort Fetter/nan. 

It was especially appropriate to retrace the old Bozeman Trail 
this year as 1963 marks the hundredth anniversary of its inception. 

In 1851 at the Horse Creek Council the United States Govern- 
ment promised the Indians the Powder River Country if they 
would stop their attacks upon the travelers on the Oregon Trail. 
Unfortunately, soon after this promise was made gold was dis- 
covered near Virginia City, Montana, and the mad rush was on. 


There were several routes to the Montana gold fields, but they all 
took too long for the eager gold seekers. In 1863 John Bozeman 
traveled down the east side of the Big Horns, thereby blazing the 
shortest route, but it ran right through the promised Powder River 
Country. The Bozeman Trail then became the battleground of 
the angry Sioux, and Red Cloud warned that he would kill every 
white man he found on it. 

As the trail was constantly under siege, the government finally 
found it necessary in 1868 to close the forts along the way and 
abandon the road. It later became an emigrant road for the 
settlers who found the beautiful country in northern Wyoming a 
good place to ranch. 

Saturday - July 13 

Guides - Dick Eklund, Jim Moore 

8:00 A.M. On a bright, clear morning a large caravan assem- 
bled at Fort Fetterman for introductions and registration. 


By Claude McDermott 

The place where we are standing today was once an active mili- 
tary post established July 19, 1867 by the government. It was 
named Fort Fetterman in honor of Col. W. J. Fetterman who was 
killed December 21, 1866, at the Fetterman Massacre near Fort 
Phil Kearny. 

After the other forts along the Bozeman were abandoned Fetter- 
man became the last outpost on the Indian border so it was en- 
larged and equipped as a supply base. Several expeditions of the 
seventies set out from here. Among those was one led by Gen. 
George Crook on his way to meet Gibbon and Custer in the fateful 
campaign of '76. Fort Fetterman was abandoned as a military 
post in 1882. 

Many fine cattle and sheep ranches were situated in the vicinity 
of the fort. The Andalusian cattle from Spain were found to be 
hardy enough to survive the cold winters. After the Indians were 
subdued a few soldiers, who had been stationed at Fetterman, 
returned to the locality and established fine ranches near here. 


The military decreed that the civilians who followed the army 
must locate across the Platte River so a settlement was made about 
a mile and a half from the fort. Emigrants, moving all the time, 
created such unsanitary conditions that the name "Hog Ranch" 
was given to the conglomerate settlement. 

A few markers may be found today which locate the saloon and 
a hotel where the soldiers enjoyed themselves in true frontier 
fashion when off duty. 


8:45 A.M. One mile from the fort we crossed the North Platte 
River near the old fording place. At 1.5 miles the location of the 
Hog Ranch was pointed out on the north bank of Fetterman Creek 
and the crossing of the Oregon Trail. The old trail is plainly 
visible at 7 M. 

9: 10 A.M. At 16M we came to a big bend in Sage Creek, now 
dry, where the Sage Creek Station was located. No evidence of 
the station remains but it was an ideal spot. 


By Lyle Hildebrand 

Sage Creek Station was built in the period after the forts along 
the Bozeman were abandoned. It served as a stage station between 
Douglas and Ross (Ogalalla Ranch). Previous to that the stage 
route ran from Dry Cheyenne Crossing, about one and a half miles 
below where the bridge is now located, to Ross and on north. 

Billie Powell, a popular and well-known old timer, carried the 
mail at different times between 1887 and 1907. The year after 
the station was established Joe Hazen, sheriff of Converse County, 
was killed here by an outlaw, who was headed for the Hole-in-the- 
Wall Country with his gang, who had just held up a Union Pacific 
train near Rawlins. 

Mrs. Carrington's diary shows that she spent the night here on 
June 24, 1868, and found some water and plenty of sagebrush 
and buffalo chips. 

9:25 A.M. Traveling again we looked for Hold Up Hollow 
(20 M ) , the first deep pitch north of the divide. Here a stage was 
held up and gold being shipped from Montana to Denver was 
boldly taken by road agents. At 22 M. we made a sharp turn for 
three hundred feet then followed the old trail for a quarter of a 
mile. Today a road at 27 M. leads east to uranium mines. 

9:45 A.M. We arrived at the ruins of Brown Springs Station 
(28.8 M), a well known ranch and halfway house. Bill Henry, 
the present owner of the 88 Ranch, pointed out a flat-top rock 
where names carved on it by soldiers can still be seen, and a knoll 
where Lieut. Brown was buried. 


By Mrs. Will M. Henry 

Mike Henry was with the cavalry in 1876 when the Indian bat- 
tles were fought along the Bozeman Trail between Brown Springs 
and the Cheyenne River Crossing. Troops were camped here on 
the rocky hill near the flowing spring above the present ruins of 
these old log buildings. Their horses and mules grazed in the lush 
native grass in the meadows below where they were camped. 

The Indians came in the night, hid themselves in the tall grass 
in the meadows and awaited the appearance of the troops. Very 



early one morning, a boy who was with the cavalry to wrangle 
horses, was sent down in the meadows but was soon caught and 
scalped by the Indians. His screams were heard by the troops 
who immediately went into action. Will M. Henry remembered 
hearing his father say, "My God, how that boy screamed." 

This incident was the beginning of the skirmishes that lasted for 
several days. Many Indians were killed as well as soldiers. The 

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Indians were driven north toward Sand Creek and Pine Ridge but 
returned at night and retrieved many of their dead and buried them. 
The soldiers and some of the Indians were buried in the meadows, 
but their bodies were later removed from the graves that could be 
found and buried elsewhere. Lieut. Brown was killed at this time 
and buried on a rocky hill farther north from where the troops 
camped. It is assumed that his body was also removed. 

The cavalry, following the trail north, was with the main body 
of troops three miles from the Custer battle on June 25, 1876. 

While he was stationed with the cavalry along the Bozeman in 




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1 876, Mike Henry saw and liked the location of the 88 Ranch site. 
In 1878 he, his wife and six children, which included the new baby 
boy, Will M. Henry, left their temporary home at Fort Laramie 
and squatted on this site where they built their log buildings and 
established the first ranch north of the Platte River. 

In the early '80's the Henrys ran a roadhouse, giving accommo- 
dations to travelers on the trail. This was also a stage stop, where 
horses were changed. Many times the occupants of the stage 
spent the night while waiting for repairs to be made on the stage 
at the complete blacksmith shop before continuing on. Wagon 
trains also often stopped and camped for several days. 

Travelers stopped at the station for medicine and help for their 
sick. Catherine Henry cared for them and prepared many bodies 
for their last resting place. Grown-ups as well as children suc- 
cumbed to the hardships of the trail. The Henry children and 
their mother often made markers for the graves beside the road. 

Many celebrities stopped off the stage for meals. Owen Wister 
was a guest at the ranch while writing his book, The Virginian. 
Colonel Van Horn and his family stopped off for a visit on their 
way to the forts farther north. Will M. Henry remembered that 
the two Van Horn boys had a large English bulldog which was very 
aggressive and not very friendly to have around, until he met up 
with the Henry children's pet deer who soon put him in his place. 

Groceries and supplies came from Cheyenne in large wooden 
barrels and boxes, and the Henrys always kept plenty on hand. 
After the Indians were subdued they became friendly and on their 
hunting trips would often stop at the ranch store to bargain for 
groceries and other articles that caught their eyes. The Henrys 
procured many Indian ponies this way. 

Buffalo and big gray wolves were plentiful long ago. One time 
the family stood on their front porch and saw a pack of wolves 
attack a cow that had just given birth to her calf. She kept the 
calf beneath her and fought with her long sharp horns, but there 
were too many wolves to ward off and before the boys could reach 
them, they had hamstrung the calf. 

Many herds of Texas Longhorns were trailed past the ranch 
on their way to Montana. The Henry boys picked up many dollars 
helping to herd the cattle while they grazed and rested. 

George Pike, an outlaw, and his gang, who had their rendezvous 
near the Cheyenne River Crossing, lived on Bear Creek. George 
had a small enclosed pasture where he kept the strays he picked 
up now and then. He was a good neighbor and often visited the 
Henrys. Once when Will was eight or nine he rode his Indian 
pony over to visit George. He noticed a large number of calves 
and only one cow. He said, "George, how come you have so 
many calves and only one cow?" George laughed and said, 
"There's an old mare over there." 

There are many tales of the Henry's ranch life. One day the 


children were playing a distance from the house when a big buffalo 
bull spied them. They hurriedly climbed on top of a haystack 
pulling three year old Will after them. The buffalo pawed the 
stack for some time before Mike Henry and the hired men, who 
were cutting wild hay nearby, came to their rescue. They chased 
the bull up Brown Springs, shot him and preserved the hide and 
horns. A few years ago Will gave the horns to Clark Bishop to 
place in a museum. 

Near the Cheyenne River Crossing on the east side of the road, 
now enclosed in the Henry land, is the site of the old roadhouse 
that was used by the Shoestring Gang as a place to keep their 
horses and also as a cache for stolen goods. They had many 
spirited horses that were kept groomed and shod, ready to be 
changed at a moment's notice. Many riders came and went, but 
the caretaker was very quiet and gave out information to no one. 
The law finally caught up with them and a number were sent to 
prison. Jewelry, watches, rings, etc. were found in the old cotton- 
wood trees along the river. 

Some of the gang died in prison, and only one ever came back 
to look around. He borrowed a spade at the ranch, saying his 
brother was buried down there, and he wanted to find his body. 
He was gone all day so they surmised he was looking for buried 
loot. Some of the James and Younger brothers were also seen at 
this hideout. All that remains to be seen at the site now are rusty 
horseshoes and old broken bottles. 

For a number of years the Henrys had a post office which they 
named Theresa in honor of their youngest daughter, Grace The- 
resa. Many pieces of foreign mail arrived at this little office as 
two Englishmen lived a few miles away. There were no schools 
for the Henry children so their early education was acquired from 
their parents, from their English neighbors and from travelers. 

10:45 A.M. Ruins of an old stockade and bridge still mark 
the location of Sand Creek Station (45 M ). 


By Bill Morgan 

This station, so important to travelers long ago, seems forlorn 
today as the country is barren and dry, as is the creek. However, 
it was a convenient stopping place for the large military forces 
which halted here on their way to vanquish the Indians. 

In 1 865 Gen. Patrick E. Connor stopped here with 994 men 
which included six companies of the 6th Michigan Cavalry and a 
band of Pawnee scouts under Capt. Frank North. Besides there 
were teamsters, wagon masters and 185 wagons. Nearby, on a 
ledge of sandstone, can still be seen names carved by Connor and 
his officers. 

When Gen. George Crook camped at Sand Creek he had 2000 
men in his command. There were ten troops of the 2d and 3d 


Cavalry, a part of the 4th Infantry, 86 supply wagons drawn by 
mules and 400 pack mules. Major Ostrander, who was with 
Crook, mentioned camping here for several days in November, 
1876 in his book, An Army Boy in the '60 's. On Thanksgiving 
Day a severe windstorm knocked down all their tents. 

Several diaries mention Sand Creek. One records that on 
August 6, 1 865, the creek seemed dry, but cracker boxes and 
barrels were sunk into the creek bed, and sand was scraped from 
the inside. This produced water which could be dipped out by 

Another diary reports, "You could tell what kind of flour was 
used by reading the brand on the sacks used for reseating the 
soldier's trousers. Many an officer washed his underclothes in the 
river, sitting on the bank, wrapped in meditation, while they were 

10:55 A.M. We continued on the trail for two miles then trav- 
eled on a good county road for five miles. 

1 1 :20 A.M. We arrived at the Ogalalla Ranch (52 M). The 
old Antelope Creek Station is in a field three miles below the ranch, 
but it was pointed out by Eddie Moore, the present owner. He 
related that the Ogalalla Cattle Company was organized in 1887 
and the place was called Ross. His mother, Amanda Moore, was 
the first postmaster (1889). Interestingly enough, there were a 
lot more people in the country at the turn of the century than now. 

By Edith Thompson 

The old timers often duplicated the same name, and Antelope 
ranked high as a favorite. For instance, Douglas (1886) was 
originally named Antelope, and it was located at the mouth of a 
stream which also bore the name Antelope Creek. 

At this Antelope Creek Station, which was located three miles 
below the present Ross Road Crossing, weary emigrants stopped 
and rested on the trail, which was opened without the sanction of 
the government. Here they found a haven of rest and precious 
drinking water — luxuries in this land of grass, sagebrush and hos- 
tile Indians. 

The travelers were constantly on the alert for war bonnets along 
the Bozeman, for the Sioux watched and attacked with such fre- 
quency that the trail soon became known as The Bloody Bozeman. 
Through this station also passed mail and government documents 
on the way to the forts. For this dangerous job a mail carrier 
earned ten dollars a day. 

This land which was to become the Ogalalla Ranch was home- 
steaded by a Mr. Mattison who sold it to Paxon Irvine. In turn 
Mr. Irvine sold it to Mr. Dell Pierce who eventually sold it to Mr. 
Bill Moore in 1945. 


We learn from an article written by Irvine that on November 
1883, Mr. and Mrs. Leroy Moore and son, Lee, moved to Antelope 
Springs and operated the Stage Station. Once, when a stage was 
stopping at the station, Lee roped a nearby buffalo for the amuse- 
ment of some English gentlemen on board. Bull Gulch derived 
its name from that incident. 

Frieda and Dell Pierce recall that when they lived on the ranch 
from 1925 to 1945 they had to haul their drinking water from 
Spring Draw across the creek. They also remember a few rem- 
nants of ruins of the old station. They found rusted ox shoes and 
wagon wheel spokes and rims which indicated that the station must 
have included a blacksmith shop. That the emigrants quenched 
their thirst with other than spring water was evidenced by the 
presence of many long-empty whiskey and beer bottles. Mrs. 
Pierce remembers that she was concerned at times that her children 
might cut themselves as they played among the broken glass 

In time the Ogallala Ranch supplanted the need for Antelope 
Creek Station. Flood waters, too, contributed to its oblivion. 

1 1 : 30 A.M. After these two interesting talks we continued on 
our way with Pumpkin Buttes looming up in the distance. At 
56 M. we left Converse County and entered Campbell County. 
At 61 M. we crossed Nine Mile Creek to detour through Simons 
Draw to Highway 387, then west eleven miles into Johnson 
County. At the Linch sign we turned right to Sussex. One half 
mile past Sussex we took a gravel road, then no road at all to 
the site of old Fort Connor (68 M. ). Because of the rough terrain 
and washouts, long detours were necessary. 

12:55 P.M. After Mr. D. F. Skiles welcomed the trekkers to 
this historic spot, lunch was enjoyed under the trees. 

by Edith Thompson 

When Brig. Gen. Patrick E. Connor was given command of the 
Powder River Expedition in the early summer of 1 865 at Fort 
Laramie, there was no military post on the Bozeman Trail. He 
was ordered to explore the surrounding regions of the Bozeman 
Trail which ran through the hunting grounds of hostile Sioux 
Indians, and told to build a fort on Powder River for the protection 
of emigrant travel to the Montana gold fields. 

Under command of General Connor, the expedition was divided 
into three columns: one under General Connor; another under 
Colonel Cole; and the third under Colonel Walker. The columns 
of Cole and Walker were to march over separate routes to the 
north of the Black Hills, combine there, and then march to the 
Powder and join Connor who would supervise the building of the 
fort at that place. 


The General, himself under orders to "impress the Indians," 
issued a similar ultimatum to Cole and Walker: "You will not 
receive overtures of peace and submission, but will attack and 
kill every male Indian over twelve years of age." 

On July 30th, Connor left Fort Laramie and headed for the 
Powder. Accompanying his troops were Indian scouts of Omahas, 
Winnebagos and Pawnees, bitter enemies of the Sioux. To these 
Indian spies, the spoiled army rations were ample reward for the 
chance given them to lift scalps of the enemy who disputed their 

Connor built his fort on the Powder, northwest of the famous 
Pumpkin Buttes, and named the fort after himself. Leaving part 
of his regiment at the garrison, Connor marched northward attack- 
ing Indian encampments and skirmishing with lone bands along 
the way. Then he tried to meet Cole and Walker, but he never 
found them. 

The combined columns of the two colonels had become hope- 
lessly lost in the eastern Powder badlands. Their orders to impress 
the Indians — at first carried out by attacking and burning several 
villages — had now backfired. Other bands constantly hung at 
their flanks, stealing horses and cutting troopers off from their 
comrades. Food ran low. One of the troopers later recorded, 
"1 tightened my belt to keep my guts from rattling." After many 
weeks of aimless wandering, the half-starved troopers stumbled 
at last into Fort Connor. The Powder River Expedition was 
considered a failure. 

A year later, when Col. H. B. Carrington and his troops marched 
in from Fort Laramie, General Connor was relieved of his com- 
mand at the fort and recalled in partial disgrace. Carrington, who 
had been sent to build two more forts farther north, moved Fort 
Connor a few miles downstream and re-christened it Fort Reno 
after Jesse Reno, a Civil War hero. 

The following excerpt was taken from Army Life On the Plains 
by Frances C. Carrington, the Colonel's second wife. "Fort Reno 
was sufficiently safe at that time, except from marauding Indians 
who would drive off stock at every available opportunity. These 
Indians were willing to pledge themselves not to disturb Reno, if 
the soldiers would simply occupy that post and neither go nor 
build additional forts beyond that point. Our safety from moles- 
tation on the last day's march to Reno was wholly due to the fact 
that the tribes further north were preparing a great rally, to go upon 
the warpath in great force against Fort Phil Kearney." 

After the Fetterman Massacre in 1866 and the abandonment of 
Phil Kearny, the "hated fort on the Piney," in 1868, Fort Reno 
was also abandoned. 

However, Cantonment Reno, three miles north of the abandoned 
Fort Reno, was established as a supply depot in 1876 after General 
Crook's advance was stopped by Sioux warriors who defeated 


Custer on the Little Big Horn. In the spring of 1 877, Cantonment 
Reno was moved from Powder River to Clear Creek where it is 
knowq today as Fort McKinney, the Wyoming Soldier's and 
Sailor's Home. 

2:30 P. M. From here to Buffalo the Bozeman paralleled the 
graded road practically all the way. Typical Wyoming scenes of 
rolling prairies and beautiful blue skies were enjoyed. 

3: 15 P. M. At 1 16 M. a courtesy car led the caravan from the 
road through a field to the Crazy Woman Creek Battlefield Monu- 
ment ( 1 17 M.). 

By Burton S. Hill 

The Crazy Woman Creek Battlefield is on a plateau at Trabing, 
Wyoming, between Crazy Woman Creek and Upper Dry Fork, just 
east of the Crazy Woman Creek bridge. 

A party consisting of twenty-six persons under the command of 
Lieut. A. H. Wands left Fort Reno on Powder River early in the 
morning of July 20, 1 866, headed for the post known for a time as 
Fort Carrington on Piney Creek, but officially named Fort Phil 
Kearny. In the party were two women, one the wife of Lieutenant 
Wands, and the other the wife of an enlisted man. Other members 
of the party were Lieutenants James H. Bradley, P. M. Skinner, 
George H. Templeton and Napolean H. Daniels. There was also 
ex-Captain Marr, late of the Civil War, and two civilians, Chaplain 
David Wright, and assistant surgeon Heintz, who had joined the 
party at Fort Reno. 

For the comfort of the detachment, five wagons and two ambu- 
lances had been provided, besides four saddle horses for the use 
of the officers. One was a very fine stallion belonging to Captain 
Marr. who was also the owner of a Henry rifle. 

At nine o'clock that morning, the train had just topped the hill 
on the Bozeman Trail overlooking Crazy Woman Creek when they 
saw what appeared to be a herd of buffalo on the flat to the 
northward beyond a line of trees bordering the banks of the stream. 
A pair of field glasses seemed to make it quite certain that the 
objects in the distance were actually buffalo. 

At this juncture, it was decided that Lieutenants Daniels and 
Templeton should ride ahead and turn the buffalo southward 
towards the train so that everybody with a rifle could get a shot, 
and also for the purpose of having fresh buffalo meat for the 
journey. As the train descended the hill in a northeasterly direc- 
tion, sight was lost of the two officers then beyond the line of trees, 
and upon reaching the sandy bottom of Upper Dry Fork, they were 
surprised by an attack of a band of yelping Indians. But having 
the rifles ready for the buffalo, the party was able to ward off the 
attack and no one was injured. 


With some difficulty, the train pulled out of the sand of Upper 
Dry Fork onto the level above, and there corraled the wagons. 
While waiting for another attack, Lieutenant Daniels' riderless 
horse came running into the corral with the saddle almost slipped 
off. The horse was profusely bleeding from several arrow wounds. 
Very quickly following came Lieutenant Templeton in a badly 
wounded condition. He had time before losing consciousness to 
say that Lieutenant Daniels had been lost, and the objects seen 
were not buffalo, but Indians. 

With trees so close at hand where the Indians could hide, Lieu- 
tenant Wands, an experienced Civil War officer, realized that the 
position of the party was untenable, and must be removed to 
higher ground. Thereupon, the wagons were strung out with the 
ambulances between, and a dash was made up a small hill, and 
further beyond about a half a mile to the west end of the wide 
plateau under another hill. Here the party corralled again, and 
rifle pits were prepared just outside the corral. But while these 
preparations were being made, a fusillade of arrows came from a 
deep draw running up from the Creek, previously unobserved, the 
head of which was only a few yards from the corral. Several 
members of the party were wounded, including Chaplain Wright, 
but only slightly. He was much more angry than injured, and 
volunteered with Private Fuller to clear the ravine of Indians. 
The Chaplain had a pepper box pistol, which was heard to dis- 
charge in the ravine, making a sound similar to a machine gun. 
All of the chambers had gone off at the same time. However, the 
ravine was cleared and two Indians killed. 

The greatest suffering of the party during the day was from 
thirst, since the Indians held the creek. The wounded suffered 
most intensely. Finally, however, a detail offered to try to make 
the creek for water. This was accomplished, and all the canteens 
and water buckets were filled and returned. The entire party was 
greatly refreshed with the water, and some was given to the thirsty 
horses. The Indians were surprised at the new fighting vigor of 
the riflemen, and Captain Marr used his Henry rifle with telling 

Later in the afternoon, it was decided that two in the party 
would make a dash to Fort Reno for help. For this venture, Cap- 
tain Marr offered his fine stallion for the ride, and Lieutenant 
Wands tendered his horse for the same purpose. Chaplain Wright 
and Private Wallace volunteered to make the heroic ride, and were 
able to escape the Indians as they passed from sight over the hill 
to the south. 

Scarcely had they been lost to view when a cloud of dust was 
observed to the northwest, which was taken to be Indian reinforce- 
ments, when presently a solitary horseman came in view. As he 
approached, an order was given for him to halt, which he did, 
assuring the party that he was Jim Bridger, a friend, and he was 


allowed to find his way up the ravine and to the corral. Upon 
arrival, he said that he had read the signs on buffalo skulls along 
the way and had ascertained thereby that an Indian fight would 
occur at Crazy Woman Creek that day. He was so sure of it that 
he prevailed upon Captain Burroughs, with two hundred mounted 
soldiers riding to Fort Reno for supplies, to make a forced march 
to Crazy Woman. This saved the detachment from annihilation, 
although, besides Lieutenant Daniels, Sergeant Ferrel had been 
killed. He was buried nearby. 

The following morning, after Lieutenant Daniels' badly muti- 
lated body was recovered, the detachment started back to Fort 
Reno with it. The following day the lieutenant's remains were 
buried at the fort with military honors. Within a very short time, 
the party came upon the relief detachment coming to their aid 
from Fort Reno. Upon reaching Fort Reno, preparations were 
made for a second attempt to reach Fort Carrington, which was 
accomplished without incident. 1 

4:00 P. M. One mile farther on we stopped near a Bozeman 
Trail marker two hundred feet to the left of the road in a field. 
This marked the location of the August Trabing Trading Post 
(118 M.). 

By Burton S. Hill 

The Trabing Trading Post was established early in 1878 at a 
location several hundred yards north of the present Crazy Woman 
Creek bridge. At that time, however, the crossing of Crazy 
Woman Creek, on the Bozeman Trail, was about a mile and 
a quarter east of the present crossing. After fording the stream, 
the trail took a northwesterly course over a large area of bottom 
land, and from there kept the same direction for approximately 
three miles before turning northward. 

August Trabing erected quite a large building for his operations 
about a mile and a half from the original crossing. The spot can 
still be located some thirty-five yards east of the Bozeman Trail 
marker to be seen just west of a wire fence along the county road. 

During the following eighteen months, Trabing did a thriving 
business. He was able to supply practically everything the emi- 
grants and the early settlers would be in need of. This would 
include staple food stuff such as bacon, flour, corn meal, coffee 

1. In 1908 an account of this engagement was furnished by Mr. S. S. 
Peters, formerly an enlisted man of the 18th U. S. Infantry, and a survivor 
of the battle. His text will be found in Army Life on the Plains, by Francis 
C. Carrington, and from what has been learned from others who were 
acquainted with Private Peters at Fort Phil Kearny, his account is accurate. 


and such items as dried prunes and apricots. He was also able to 
furnish many items of clothing, including boots and hats. A 
quantity of liquor was also on hand, which consisted mostly of 
whiskey and ordinary wine. 

The trading post soon became known as Trabing, and rapidly 
became a social center and congregating place for emigrants, 
early ranchers, soldiers and any others who happened to be in 
the vicinity. At times Mr. Trabing was also visited by marauding 
road agents, who robbed him of the best of his wares, which had 
to be replaced from Rock River, or other depots on the Union 
Pacific. These wares had to be hauled by bull team over the 
Bozeman trail, which took many arduous and tedious days of 

On one occasion at Trabing, these robbers laid in wait for a man 
by the name of Tillotson, who was supposed to have been in 
possession of $22,000, for the quartermaster at Fort McKinney, 
an army post twenty-two miles northward on Clear Creek. How- 
ever, Mr. Tillotson realized what might happen along the way, so 
instead of carrying the cash, he brought a bank draft, and thereby 
foiled the road agents. At this same time, the agents robbed Mr. 
Andrew Snyder, a brother of E. U. Snyder, then the post sutler 
at Fort McKinney. He was on his way to visit his brother when 
the robbers took his fine gold watch. But after he had been at 
Fort McKinney for several days, the watch was returned to him 
from some mysterious source. It was never known exactly how 
this came about. 

After the town of Buffalo got its start along Clear Creek, three 
miles east of Fort McKinney, Mr. Trabing became interested and 
decided to move his store to the new settlement. He appears to 
have had considerable encouragement in making the move from 
Mr. Charles Buell, then one of the builders of the Occidental Hotel 
in Buffalo, constructed in 1 880. Mr. Trabing reached Buffalo 
some time during the late summer or early fall of 1879, and with 
the help of Mr. Buell, built his store on the location now occupied 
by the First National Bank of Buffalo and Masonic building on 
South Main Street. However, he did not remain long before being 
bought out by John H. Conrad and Company. It is believed that 
he returned to Laramie, Wyoming, which had been his former 

His building at Trabing, on Crazy Woman Creek, was used by 
the stage companies on the Bozeman Trail for a considerable 
time. Just how long it was used has not been recorded, but the 
building was destroyed by fire in 1895.- 

2. Very few records have been kept concerning the Trabing Trading 
Post. What is known of August Trabing and his operations on Crazy 
Woman Creek have been handed down from early day pioneers who knew 


4:30 P. M. At 130 M. once stood the Buffalo Creek Station, 
probably named for the many buffalo wallows found nearby. At 
133 M. we entered Highway 87 and drove to Buffalo (141 ML). 

7:30 P. M. The Johnson County Historical Society graciously 
entertained the trekkers at a social hour in the Jim Gatchell Mu- 
seum. All enjoyed the hospitality, the museum and the abundant 

The night was spent in Buffalo, where space was available for 
the campers in the city park, a lovely, wooded section of town. 

Sunday - July 14 

Caravan — 188 people 85 cars 

GUIDES - Wilbur Williams, Glenn Sweem 

7:00 - 8:00 A.M. Everyone met at the park for a real western 
style breakfast, an annual courtesy extended by Albert Sims, one of 
the original organizers of the Overland Trail treks. 

9:00 A.M. The first stop was made at a Bozeman Trail marker 
(142 M.) one half mile east of Buffalo on the Ucross highway. 
Mr. Williams said that old timers, familiar with the crossing of 
Clear Creek, think the marker should be located one-half mile 
farther up stream. 

9:10 A. M. After returning to Highway 87 the caravan slowed 
down to view another Bozeman marker (145 M.) that is down 
stream, or about five hundred feet east of the present bridge over 
Rock Creek. 

9:20 A.M. We stopped on the west side of beautiful Lake 
DeSmet (155 M.), where man diverted Piney Creek in and out 
of the lake in the late 1920V 


By J.Tom Wall 

Father Pierre Jean DeSmet was born at Termonde, Belgium, 
January 30, 1801. When he was twenty years old he came to 

first hand. The late Bryon Long, an early day freighter on the Bozeman 
Trail, and afterwards a prosperous rancher at Trabing, was able to recount 
many personal experiences covering the Trabing Trading Post period. An- 
other was John R. Smith, rancher in the Trabing area as early as 1878. The 
late Lillian Baker, a daughter of Charles J. Hogerson, who moved with his 
family from Fort Fetterman to Fort McKinney about the time of its com- 
pletion, was acquainted with many first hand facts concerning August Trab- 
ing. During her lifetime, on several occasions she recounted these facts to 
the author of this paper. As to the location of the trading post, these facts 
were furnished some years ago by the late Richard Young of Buffalo, who 
for many years had been well acquainted with that particular section of 
Johnson County. The location also seems to have been well known by the 
late F. G. S. Hess, another early day rancher in that locality. 



America and joined the Jesuit mission in the United States. Then 
he became an instructor in the Indian school at Florissant, Mis- 
souri. In 1828, after being ordained a priest, he worked as a 
missionary among various tribes of Indians in the valleys of the 
Missouri, Yellowstone, Platte and Columbia rivers which took in 
both sides of the Rocky Mountains. United States officials re- 

Photo by Pierre LaBonte 


Photo by Pierre LaBonte 


ported that Father DeSmet enjoyed a unique position of confidence 
among the most warlike tribes, and on many occasions he was 
commissioner on behalf of the United States government in nego- 
tiations with the Indians. One of his noteworthy accomplishments 
was his influence for peace terms with the Sioux led by Sitting 

Father DeSmet, called Black Robe by the Indians, came west 
with some fur traders. Word of his coming had traveled fast, so 
several Flathead Indians went to greet him before he reached the 
rendezvous which was held near Daniel, Wyoming. He held Wyo- 
ming's first high Mass at this rendezvous on July 5, 1840. 

DeSmet Monument here at Lake DeSmet was erected in memory 
of the explorer priest and missionary who was in the vicinity first 
in 1 840. This shaft of native granite is located at a point between 
Buffalo and Sheridan where U. S. Highway 87 overlooks the full 
expanse of the famous lake. This large body of water attracts 
lovers of water sports and fishing from miles around. 

The geological history of the lake is something of a mystery, but 
we know that the immense body of water lies over stupendous 
masses of coal which are among the largest known coal beds in 
the world. The water is crystal clear — reflecting the intense blue 
of the Wyoming sky. Lake DeSmet provides a wonderful outdoor 
playground and a great volume of water for irrigation purposes. 

The Lake derives its water during the winter months from Shell 
Creek and Piney Creek. It was filled up to its highest point this 
spring which was many feet above its normal level. Some of the 
resorts had to move their buildings back or raise them for safety. 
The water needed for irrigation is let out the head gate at the 
north end of the lake, and it flows down Piney Creek. 


By Albert Bartlett 

Ed L. Patrick, a prominent ranchman of Torrington, who died 
about 1916, told me that in the early 1880's he had taken a party 
of hunters to the Big Horn Mountains, and they camped one day 
at the shore of Lake DeSmet. Here they found remains of old 
foundations of buildings near the shore at the south end of the lake. 
This was a period of low water, the lake having risen over them 
since. As there is no record of habitation there, it is a matter of 
conjecture as to who built them, and when. 

In 1935, John Paul Dodd, who lived near the old highway about 
halfway between Buffalo and Sheridan, showed me a flat stone 
about two feet long, with 1 775 chiseled in it. The sevens had the 
short cross bar which the Spanish used, and still use, making one 
look something like a reverse capital F. He said that he found 
this stone at the dump ground at Shoshoni, Wyoming, at an old 
Spanish oven. This would seem to indicate that the Spaniards 


got as far as Shoshoni in 1775, or they may even have gotten to 
Lake DeSmet on that expedition." 

9:30 A. M. Departed from DeSmet and proceeded north along 
the trail to the Story cut-off ( 154.4 M. ). As the cars entered the 
valley, Pilot Knob was pointed out at the left. Here sentries from 
Fort Phil Kearnv were constantly on watch for Indians from 1866 
to 1868. 

9:45 A.M. We arrived at the site of Fort Phil Kearny (160 M.) 
which is located on a rise of ground near the junction of Big and 
Little Piney Creeks in the foot hills of the Big Horn Mountains. 

By D. O. Geier 

As owner of this beautiful land that surrounds and comprises 
most of the site of Fort Phil Kearny, it is a pleasure to welcome 
you all here. I wish, at the outset of this paper, to pay tribute to 
the valiant men, both military and civilian, who gave so much 
effort, some even their lives, that we might live here today. We 
sympathize heartily with the Indians who fought so hard to retain 
this, their last, great, lush home. It must have been heartbreaking 
to lose it. 

The fort was established July 15, 1866, on this strategic ridge 
in the forks of the Piney Creeks, by Col. H. B. Carrington because 
of its military advantage in protecting the Bozeman Trail as it 
passed over Lodge Trail Ridge to the north of us and on down 
into the country of the Little Big Horn. 

I can indicate from here the exact boundaries of the fort. This 
replica stockade, built by the CCC in the early thirties, locates the 
northwest corner of the original enclosed area of the fort which 
comprised approximately thirty acres. The officers' quarters, 
mess hall and enlisted mens' quarters were up in this corner. The 
parade ground was in the field northeast of the old cabin. The 
stockade extended northeasterly to the brow of the hill looking 
toward my ranch buildings, thence southeasterly to Little Piney 
Creek, southwesterly here to form a water gap on the creek, then 
back northwesterly to this point of the replica stockade. There 
are places where you can still find the depression of the trench in 
which the logs were placed upright to form the stockade. I well 
remember the charred stumps of these logs protruding from the 
ground when I was a boy. 

A tremendous amount of work and money had been expended. 
There had even been a sawmill and brick kiln over on the banks of 

3. For further interesting information about Lake DeSmet, see "The 
Legend of Lake DeSmet", by Mary Olga Moore, Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 
34. No. 1, April, 1962, pp. 32-42. 


Little Piney. I can stiil locate these points, and the heavy iron 
here on these grounds was the frame of the sawmill engine. It 
was dragged up here by my father, George E. Geier. 

There were constant skirmishes with the Indians as the soldiers 
attempted to protect the wagon trains hauling timber from the 
mountains down Sullivant Ridge just to the northwest of the fort. 
I find one interesting reference written in Old Travois Trails, 111:3, 
September-October. 1943, by Charles Schreibeis. He wrote, "This 
battle took place on December 6, 1 866, and Colonel Carrington 
himself was out in the skirmish. There was considerable disor- 
ganization. During his pursuit of the Indians fifteen of Colonel 
Fetterman's cavalry deserted him/* The reason for this is not 

It was certainly true that the whites underestimated the cunning 
and outright military strategy of the Indians. These early skir- 
mishes were merely trapsetting and maneuvering that culminated in 
the Fetterman Massacre, after which John (Portugee) Phillips 
made his long ride on the Colonel's top horse to Fort Laramie 
for help. 

On October 17-18, 1888, 111 bodies were removed from a 
cemetery south of here in Hepps field and interred at Custer 
Battlefield. Some of the Hepps have a picture of this operation. 
Many white lives, as well as untold numbers of red lives, were lost 
here in this struggle. 

On August 20, 1 868, the government ordered the fort aban- 
doned. As the troops marched south over the hills on the Boze- 
man Trail, the Indians immediately set fire to the fort. It had been 
in existence one month over two years. 

10:20 A.M. We departed west from the fort on a road which 
paralleled the old wood-train road up Sullivant Hill to the site of 
the Wagon Box Fight ( 157.5 M. ) where Mrs. Garber gave a vivid 
and eloquent account of the six hour battle. She pointed out the 
spot on Sullivant Hill from where Chief Red Cloud directed his 
warriors in the battle, the location of the wagon box corral, the 
canyons on the face of the Big Horns where the wood crews were 
cutting logs, and the ridges that were swarming with Indians, esti- 
mated at the time as between 1500 and 5000 warriors. 

By Vie Willits Garber 

The Wagon Box Fight was fought August 2, 1867, at the wagon 
box corral six miles west of Fort Phil Kearny. This was the camp 
from which the contractors, Gilmore and Porter, worked the upper 
and the lower pineries. Logs were obtained for construction at the 
fort as well as for a constant supply of firewood for cooking and 
for the next winter's heating. 

Fourteen wooden boxes made an oval enclosure into which the 


stock was shut at night. Tents in which the woodchoppers and 
their soldier-guards slept were outside the corral. 

On July 31, Company C, under Capt. James W. Powell, had 
come from Fort Phil Kearny in a covered wagon with a month's 
rations and the new breech-loading rifles with ammunition to take 
the place of the formerly used muzzle-loaders. Two other covered 
wagons held the woodchopper's rations and various supplies. 

Roll call was over and breakfast was eaten by sunrise when 
the wagon train, guarded by 20 soldiers under Lieut. Francis Mc- 
Carthy and Corp. Paddy Conley, started to the fort with running- 
gears loaded with the former day's logs. At the same time, the 
pinery crew went upstream escorted by 1 3 soldiers. 

About seven in the morning, large numbers of Indians appeared 
far to the northwest and small groups circled nearby on all sides 
of the camp. 

Thirty-two men assembled in the corral. Of these, two were 
officers, 25 were soldiers and five were teamsters. Capt. James W. 
Powell gave orders for each man to supply himself with ammuni- 
tion and to take his place in a wagon box. Most men used their 
hats to hold their loaded shells. Lieut. John C. Jenness, who had 
field glasses, said that Red Cloud was in command on the high hill 
to the east — the west end of Sullivant Ridge. 

Repeatedly, groups of painted warriors, a few with war bonnets, 
attacked from different sides of the corral and were shot down. 
Some shot fire arrows into the corral, causing a stench from dry, 
burning manure. A few hurled spears. Many used guns — prob- 
ably those taken the previous December at the Fetterman Mas- 
sacre, and any they had taken from emigrants, trappers and hunt- 
ers, or bartered from traders. 

It was the first time Indians could have encountered continuous 
fire from breech-loading guns. 

Descriptions by participants emphasize the extreme skill and the 
courage of the Indians as they rescued their dead and wounded. 

Constant shots came from the north end of the field where the 
sudden slope afforded protection so that only feathers protruding 
from scalp locks were visible. 

The battle raged not less than six hours. Just as a V-shaped 
mass of Indians came chanting from the northwest and were being 
shot down, they suddenly retreated, as did the horsemen from all 
the hills. The troops arriving from the fort had shot a cannon 
ball behind Red Cloud's vantage point on Sullivant ridge. 

Lieutenant Jenness was killed by a bullet in his head early in 
the fight. Pvt. Henry Haggerty fought two hours with a shoulder 
useless before he was shot in the head. Pvt. Tom Doyle also was 
shot in the head. 

Estimates on the number of dead Indians vary from three to 
twelve hundred. No event has had more wild, inaccurate tales 
written concerning it. 


in September, 1963, the Sheridan Chamber of Commerce was 
contacted by W. K. MacAdam, 14 Fountain Drive, Valhalla, New 
York, who wrote that he had found a small pocket diary of his 
grandfather, Capt. Alex Wishart, who had been a soldier at Fort 
Phil Kearny in 1867. Mr. Glenn Sweem, president of the Sheridan 
County Historical Society, sent for the diary. Here are three per- 
tinent quotations from it. 

"Aug. 6, 1867 at about 10 o'c, Cos, A & F detailed to go to 
Pinery — Made a corral of wagon beds. No Indians appear to 
have been here — only one skull to be seen. 

"Aug. 7. Reveille at 3 Vz o'c. Commenced throwing up works 
against the wagon beds. Slow business & inefficiently managed. 

"Aug. 8. Reveille at 3 Vi o'c. Shortly afterwards a body of 
12 to 15 Indians showed themselves near the old corral & after 
inspecting oui work from a bluff to our left and in the direction of 
the fort rode off from the same direction from which they came." 

This proves Sergeant Gibson's statement that the fortified circle 
one-fourth mile to the west was made after the fight. 

10:50 A. M. We departed north along the old wood cutter's 
road to the town of Story, which is located on what was then known 
as Piney Island. The caravan proceeded southeast on a paved 
highway down Piney Creek between Sullivant Hill and Lodge Trail 
Ridge to the monument commemorating Portugee Phillip's ride. 
From there we traveled north again on Highway 87 which runs 
alonu the Bozeman Trail to the site of the Fetterman Massacre 
higlVon a hill (157.7 M.). 


By Elsa Spear Byron 

The morning of December 21, 1866, at Fort Phil Kearny was 
cold, but bright and clear. Most of the snow had melted around 
the fort but it was four feet deep in the timber. Colonel Carrington 
delayed departure of the wood train until about 10 o'clock when 
he decided good weather would prevail that day. This was to be 
the last trip to the pinery for the winter. There were about 90 
men, all armed, in the train which followed along the Sullivant Hill 
road to the Big Horn Mountains in two parallel lines. This was 
done so they could form a corral quickly. 

About eleven A.M. the pickets to the south on Pilot Hill signaled 
that Indians had attacked the wood train. Details of soldiers were 
quickly organized to go to its relief. Major Powell was to be in 
command but Bvt. Lieut. Col. W. J. Fetterman insisted he be given 
the mission on account of his seniority. Lieut. G. W. Grummond 
also asked permission to accompany the troops and at his request 
led 27 men from Co. C, 2d U. S. Cavalry. Capt. F. H. Brown 
was not officially sent with this relief but since he could not resist 


another opportunity to kill Indians he slipped away on Calico, 
a pet pony at the fort. 

Colonel Carrington gave orders that the detachment should go 
to the relief of the wood train but under no circumstances to cross 
Lodge Trail Ridge. After the detachment of cavalry, mounted 
infantry and foot soldiers had rushed out of the gates, the Colonel 
stepped upon a sentry platform and repeated his orders. 

Instead of going directly toward the corraled wood train on 
Sullivant Hill, Fetterman went around the east end of the hill to 
cut off the Indians' retreat. Some of the men were armed with 
Spencer carbines, seven-shot breech loaders, and the rest had 
Springfield muzzle-loading rifles. James Wheatley and Issac Fish- 
er, civilians, had new sixteen-shot Henry repeating rifles and they 
had requested to go with the troops to try out their guns. 

At eleven-thirty the pickets signalled that the wood train had 
gone on its way to the mountains. They had never seen Fetterman 
and his command and didn't know that relief had been sent to 
them. The Indians left them to decoy Fetterman over Lodge Trail 
Ridge. They hesitated on top of the ridge; then Big Nose, brother 
of Cheyenne Chief Little Wolf, began to charge and ride in among 
the soldiers. The troops then followed Big Nose along the Boze- 
man Road over the crest of a long hill. On the left side of the 
ridge were concealed the mountain Cheyennes and Arapahoes; 
on the right were the mounted Sioux; and at the end of the ridge 
by Peno Creek, now Prairie Dog Creek, were the footmen and 

By a pre-arranged signal, when the Indian decoys had crossed 
the creek, the Indian footmen sprang up and charged. The cavalry 
and mounted infantry retreated up to a high knoll on the crest of 
the hill. Wheatley, Fisher and a few veteran soldiers were lodged 
behind some large, flat rocks at the top of a small hill below the 
cavalry. These men were soon killed, but at this spot the Indians 
paid their greatest toll of dead and wounded. 

According to the Indians, Lieutenant Grummond was killed 
while climbing this hill to reach the mounted soldiers who were 
taking a stand. Thirty-two men were killed at this end of the 
ridge and the rest continued to retreat until they came to a cluster 
of large rocks where the monument now stands. 

At noon rapid firing was heard at the fort and it was evident that 
Fetterman's command was beyond Lodge Trail Ridge. Captain 
Ten Eyck was sent with another relief party. Most of the available 
horses had been sent with Fetterman as Ten Eyck had only a few 
mounted soldiers to guard the two wagons loaded with ammunition. 
By the time these men had crossed the Bozeman Trail Crossing 
of Piney Creek, above the fort, all of Fetterman's men were anni- 
hilated. An Indian sentinel signalled that re-inforcements were 
coming and the Indians, realizing they must finish, killed the last 
group before help arrived. 


Ten Eyck did not follow the Bozeman to the battle scene but 
followed up the ridge on the east side of the road in order that he 
would not be ambushed. When he reached the top of the Ridge 
he sent Orderly Sample back to the fort with a message that he 
could not see Fetterman's men but that there were several hundred 
Indians on the Bozeman Road below, trying to get him to come 
down and fight. This was at 1 :00 P.M. Sample came back with 
orders to join Fetterman at any cost, but by that time the Indians 
were withdrawing and the troops could see their dead comrades 
among the rocks below. 

Forty-nine of Fetterman's command were near where the monu- 
ment now stands. The rest of the slain men could not be seen 
from this point. It was bitterly cold and dropping farther below 
zero all the time. As it was evident that there was no one alive, 
these bodies were loaded into the wagons and taken back to the 
fort. Sunset on that day was 4:30 P.M. so it was after dark when 
they reached the fort. Ten Eyck said in his report, "I loaded the 
wagons with as many of the bodies as they would contain, being 
myself obliged to handle the greater part of them, the soldiers being 
so overcome with horror, as almost unable to obey orders." 

The next day Colonel Carrington, Captain Ten Eyck, Lieutenant 
Matson and Dr. Ould, with a detail of 80 men, recovered Lieuten- 
ant Grummond's body and those of the other 31 men. 

Some of the men who served at Ft. Phil Kearny afterwards lived 
in Buffalo. Sam Stringer went over the battlefield in the 1 890's 
with Mr. Jim Gatchell of Buffalo, and showed him where the 
different groups fell. He drove one of the wagons each day in 
which his dead comrades were carried to the fort. 

In 1908, when General Carrington spoke here, he said that in 
between a triangle of three rocks, back of the monument, was the 
spot where they found Fetterman, Brown and three troopers. This 
was a strategic point because the Indians could not get near the 
soldiers without being seen. 

In 1959, the late Clark Bishop and Mr. J. W. Vaughn went over 
the field with a metal detector, and found many shell cases where 
most of the men fell in three groups. 

11:10 A.M. After leaving the Fetterman marker we traveled 
north on Highway 87 and the Bozeman Road. We slowed down 
to view the location of rocks where Wheatley and Fisher were 
killed, then proceeded two miles to look for rifle pits ( 160.7 M. ) 
on a butte where hay crews from the fort protected themselves 
from the Indians. A brief stop was made near the graves of six 
traders, who with French Pete, their leader, had proceeded west 
of Fort Phil Kearny to trade with the Crow Indians against Car- 
rington's advice. Their bodies were found three days later by a 
scouting party from the fort. 

After crossing and re-crossing the trail we reached the quaint 
and historic town of Big Horn (171 M. ). Here the caravan 


stepped on the bank of Little Goose Creek, where the James gang 
holed up in a dug-out during the winter of 1879-80. From there 
we proceeded through Big Horn on a side trip to the Bradford 
Brinton Museum. 

12:30 P.M. The Museum was the home of the late Bradford 
Brinton, gentleman rancher, sportsman and collector. The house 
is filled with beautiful objects from around the world and the 
spacious grounds are well worth a prolonged visit. 

1 :00 P.M. We returned to the town of Big Horn where the 
group viewed the Bozeman marker, the historic old buildings along 
main street, then proceeded to the Big Horn Woman's Club House 
and grounds, where the Club ladies served tea and coffee, and 
everyone enjoyed a picnic lunch. 


By Vie Willits Garber 

In 1878, Oliver Perry Hanna staked a claim on Little Goose. 
By emphasizing the beauty of the locality he bragged "Big Horn 
City" into existence. In 1879, the W. F. Davis family stopped off 
from a 13 -wagon train enroute to Oregon and operated the first 
sawmill. In 1880, the W. E. Jackson family arrived and staked 
the land adjoining Hanna's. That fall, John Henry Sackett, with 
his family and his partner, Charles W. Skinner, brought their 
freight wagons loaded with merchandise purchased from the whole- 
salers Baker and Graham, Cheyenne. 

Early in 1881, Jackson, Sackett, Skinner and Hanna had the 
townsite surveyed and platted by the surveyor, Jack Dow. 

The hotel built by Hanna is in the process of being torn down. 
The building on its left is where the Big Horn Sentinel was pub- 
lished from September, 1884, to 1887. The post office is in the 
Sackett and Skinner store building that is now owned by the elder 
Skinner son, Fred, who lives in the upstairs apartment remodeled 
from the famed pioneer dance hall. The younger Skinner son 
resided in Cheyenne until his death, and was a former director of 
the Wyoming Department of Public Welfare. J. H. Sackett was 
Big Horn's first postmaster and was a Wells-Fargo agent. His 
second son, Carl L. Sackett, retired U. S. District Attorney of 
Wyoming, lives in Cheyenne. 

W. E. Jackson's descendants occupy the enlarged ranch home 
near the trail crossing of the small stream, "Jackson Creek," up 
which the trail followed through a gap into the next valley. 

Wyoming Collegiate Institute (1892-1897) was on the site of 
the present school for which George Ostrom is making a mural, 
"A Bozeman Train Crossing Little Goose Valley, 1864." 

2:00 P. M. We then crossed and re-crossed the trail up Jackson 
Creek to Beaver Creek Divide till we reached the lovely valley of 
the Big Goose. 


2:30 P. M. We arrived at Beckton marker (187.1 M.) where 
haying crews fortified a butte to protect the men working below. 

By Elsa Spear Byron 

Just west of the Bozeman Trail crossing of Big Goose Creek at 
Beckton, Wyoming, is a natural fort hill some 500 feet long. No 
other hills are near and a fine meadowland lies around it. Here, 
in 1866, hay was cut for Fort Phil Kearny. The soldiers dug rifle 
pits along the south edge and reinforced them with boulders. A 
few years ago the pits were in fair condition, six or eight inches 
deep and ten or twelve feet long. They were wide enough to 
protect the men lying down in them. 

Coe and Carter had the contract for cutting hay for the fort and 
received $126 a ton for it and still lost money. They cut wild hay 
on Piney, also around Lake DeSmet and in the valleys of Little 
and Big Goose Creeks. They paid their men $60 a month for 
hauling hay, wood and logs. Fifty men were hired as guards for 
the different trains and were paid $5 a day. 

On the 13th of September, 1866, the Indians made several 
attacks on Carter's hay party of 84 men here at Big Goose Creek, 
killing three men and wounding others. They fired the hay stacks, 
broke up six mowing machines with hatchets, heaped hay upon 
them and set them on fire. They also captured the raking teams. 
The hay crew spent the night digging more rifle pits on the hill. 

Carter paid the stuttering blacksmith, Jose, $5 to go to the fort 
for relief. It was a smoky, dark night when Jose started, but he 
soon came tearing back, followed by howling Indians. Again he 
rode away as though he were going to Tongue River. In one of 
Colonel Carrington's reports he wrote that at 1:00 A.M. he was 
called up by a courier to send aid to the hay party. He sent 
Captain Adair with forty men in wagons to relieve them. 

Six miles out a small body of Indians rode toward the train, 
but prompt deployment of the men sent them galloping to the hills. 
Captain Adair reported that there were 200 to 300 Indians on the 
hills following him. The Indians had driven 200 head of cattle 
into a herd of buffalo and they were irrecoverably lost. 

About daylight the Indians began to scatter. When the troops 
arrived, along with Jose, 20 men were left to guard the hay, and 
the machines were repaired as best they could be and put in motion. 
Colonel Carrington said that he hoped in a week's time to have a 
winter supply of hay. 

The guards worked in pairs, sometimes three together on some 
high hill to signal hay makers if Indians were sighted. They would 
sit around and play cards for money. One day at the hay camp 
the Indians stole up on two guards and took their horses. One 
had a canteen of whiskey and $5,000 in gold coins and nuggets in 


the saddle pockets. How the men swore about the whiskey that 
was taken, as whiskey, bitters, alcohol and Jamaica ginger brought 
from $3 to $10 a bottle. No mention was made of the money. 

Jack Jones, one of the old timers of Sheridan, was in this Hay 
Field Fight. 


By Elsa Spear Byron 

On November 4, 1867, Lieut. E. R. P. Shurly of the 27th In- 
fantry had charge of a wagon train which was taking parts of a 
sawmill from Fort Phil Kearny to Fort C. F. Smith, ninety miles 
away, near the mouth of the Big Horn Canyon. The sawmill parts 
were placed on two wagon beds fastened together and hauled by 
twelve yoke of oxen. 

The train arrived at a bad place in the road. To the left was a 
deep ravine, to the right was a succession of bluffs, and to the 
front was a long, narrow steep hill. The snow had melted so the 
road was slippery, and there was such an incline toward the ravine 
that they had to let the wagons down with ropes. By eleven A. M. 
all but three wagons had been let down when the pickets gave the 
signal, "Indians!" 

A continuous attack was kept up both on the rear and front of 
the train until dark. Lieutenant Shurly was with the rear wagons 
where the Indians dismounted and charged the rear guard. Most 
of the men there were disabled and the Lieutenant was wounded 
by an arrow through his foot. As best they could, the men retired 
toward the forward wagons which were corralled at the foot of 
the hill about 800 yards away. A howitzer finally drove away the 
Indians who were plundering the wagons on the hill, and a line of 
skirmishers, ten soldiers and two civilians, drove the Indians from 
the thickets along the small creek bed. There were three or four 
hundred Indians attacking the 40 soldiers, who used sacks of corn 
for breastworks. 

Lieutenant Shurly became so weak from loss of blood that he 
couldn't stand, so he chose William Harwad, a civilian, to take 

Through the carelessness of Joseph Bowers, a driver from Fort 
C. F. Smith who was not with his wagon when the firing com- 
menced, a government wagon and six mules were lost. The mules 
had stampeded and were chased by Indians. This was a serious 
loss as the wagon contained 1000 rounds of ammunition, the 
baggage of the detachment and a package of mail. 

After dark Lieutenant Shurly sent messengers to Fort Phil 
Kearny, eighteen miles distant, with a dispatch for General Smith. 
The General immediately sent Colonel Green with three companies 
of cavalry, Major Gordon with his company, a surgeon and am- 
bulance and a bale of blankets for the use of the men. 


This fight took place not very far from the Bozeman Trail 
Crossing of Big Goose Creek. According to Lieutenant Shurly's 
report, Corp. Peter Donely, Co. H, 27th Infantry and Pvt. James 
Partenhammer, Co. G, 27th Infantry were killed. Pvt. Edward 
McKeever, Co. E, 27th Infantry was wounded and died later. 
Corp. Gordon Fitzgerald, Co. I, and Citizen William Freeland, 
driver of the howitzer, were wounded. 

Lieutenant Shurly, the wounded and dead were taken back to 
Fort Phil Kearny. The Lieutenant won a brevet for this fight, but 
the wound cost him his health and he retired soon after leaving 
Fort C. F. Smith in 1868, when it was abandoned. 

3:00 P. M. We went from Beckton on a gravel road which 
follows the Bozeman Trail up a very steep slope out of Big Goose 
Valley to the divide that separates Big Goose and Wolf Creeks. 
After reaching this flat terrace the present road crosses and re- 
crosses the Bozeman. The caravan slowed to view the PK ranch 
which was once a stage station and post office established by the 
Patrick Brothers. Next we passed a point on Wolf Creek covered 
with pine trees, near the main gate of the Eaton ranch, referred to 
today as Bozeman Point. The Bozeman followed along the pres- 
ent road from Wolf Creek to the junction of the Soldier Creek road, 
then down the divide between Wolf Creek and the fertile Tongue 
River valley. 

3:45 P.M. The trek arrived on the ridge near the junction of 
Wolf Creek with Tongue River, where Captain Cole, with the 
Sawyer Expedition of 1865, was killed by the Indians. Ruts of 
the Bozeman Trail are still visible where the trail entered Tongue 
River Valley, and left it on the opposite side as it wound its way 
among the small knolls before climbing up the steep slope to 
continue on northwest into Montana. 


By Charles Rawlings 

Col. J. A. Sawyer, detailed by the government to lay out a road 
from Sioux City, Iowa, to Virginia City, Montana, started on his 
ill-fated trip about the first of May, 1865. The expedition consist- 
ed of 83 wagons, all pulled by three-yoke bull teams. Forty head 
of extra work bulls trailed along with the wagon train, making 
about 400 head of work cattle with the outfit. There were about 
75 men, besides 15 or 20 soldiers for the train's protection. 

They crossed the Missouri near Yankton, Dakota Territory, 
heading west across the plains until they struck the Cheyenne 
River. They then followed up the North Fork of the Cheyenne 
to its head; crossed the divide to the Belle Fourche River, which 
they followed upstream to Pumpkin Buttes; then across country in 
a westerly direction until they struck the Bozeman Road. 

They found the newly constructed Fort Connor on Powder 


River, which was occupied by the 200 soldiers left there by General 
Connor about a week before, when he started on his Tongue River 

As the Sawyer train approached Powder River, probably in the 
Pumpkin Buttes area, Indians attacked the train after following 
and heckling the crew of drivers for five days. As no military 
escort was with the train at the time, they finally bought off the 
Indians with a wagon load of food to get rid of them. 

When the train left Fort Connor 20 soldiers were detailed to 
accompany the train until it crossed the Big Horn River. From 
here the train followed the Bozeman Road for some distance, but 
not necessarily at all times, as their job was to find a new road 
through the country, so they were probably trying to improve on 
the route laid out by Bozeman. 

Their exact route seems to be unknown until they reached Wolf 
Creek, when Captain Cole and Lieutenant Moore (or Moon) were 
riding some distance ahead of the train. As the young Captain 
and Lieutenant rode up the hill, going west and leaving the Wolf 
Creek Valley, some Indians, waiting for them at the top of the hill, 
killed Captain Cole. The Lieutenant galloped down the hill to the 
wagon train unhurt. The outfit camped on Wolf Creek for the 
night and the next morning proceeded over the divide toward 
Tongue River about two miles distant where they picked up Cole's 

When the Sawyer train, again on the Bozeman, reached a hill 
to the south of the Tongue River, and saw smoke drifting from the 
cottonwood trees along the river, they knew there was an Indian 
village camped near the crossing. A howitzer, trained on the 
smoke, was fired, which brought some Indians in sight, but not in 
numbers to alarm Colonel Sawyer, so he presumed it was only a 
small band. 

The wagon train continued on down the long slope and forded 
the river with the wagons in double column. As the last wagon 
dropped into the river from the south side, about a hundred painted 
Arapahoes came riding out of the brush in an attempt to get away 
with the forty head of extra work cattle that were trailing behind 
the last wagon. They did get away with most of them. By the 
time all the wagons had crossed the river, the train was strung 
out for over a half-mile across the flat bottom of the valley on the 
north side of the river. 

A corral was formed and preparations made by the bullwhackers 
and the twenty soldiers to defend themselves, as they now realized 
that they were facing a very large group of Indians and they had 
no way of knowing how many. It seemed to the bullwhackers 
that all the Indians in the world were in the trees and brush along 
that river. Many rifle shots were poured into the brush with no 
return fire from the Indians. Several shots were dropped into the 
brush from the cannon which did cause much yelling. No return 


shots and no Indians came in sight, so the teams were hitched to 
the wagons and the train strung out up the Bozeman toward the 
hills on the north side of the valley. 

As soon as the last wagon was in line the Indians appeared, 
circled the wagons, and rode to the top of the hill ahead of the 
train but kept out of range of the soldiers' rifles. As the train 
started to climb the hill the Indians fired down on them. Several 
bulls and drivers were hit by bullets, but they did not penetrate 
the bulls' hides nor the mens' clothing. This was partly due to the 
long range shots, but it also indicated that the Indians were short 
of powder and were not loading their guns properly. Colonel 
Sawyer, knowing they would be getting closer to the Indians as 
they climbed the hill, gave orders to corral again. 

Realizing they were nearly a mile from the river, and that the 
men and animals would soon suffer for water if they stayed where 
they were for any length of time, the Colonel ordered the train back 
to the river. As soon as the train got strung out on the back track 
toward Tongue River, the Indians came off the hill with their 
horses on the run and again disappeared in the brush ahead of the 
wagon train. The train never did get to the river as the Indians 
started shooting as soon as it was in range. The men pulled off 
the road and went about a quarter of a mile down the valley from 
where they had forded the river earlier, with the Indians staying 
along the river and firing at them. 

The wagons were drawn up in a tight circle and all the work 
cattle turned loose inside the corral. After staying in this position 
the second night, three men slipped away in the darkness and 
headed down Tongue River to find help, as it was known that 
General Connor was supposed to meet Colonel Cole on lower 
Tongue River. It was their hope that the three men could reach 
General Connor before he left that part of the country. 

There was still no change in the train's position or of the Indians 
the third day, when a cold, drizzling rain set in. By dark, the 
bulls were in mud knee deep in the small corral made by the 
wagons. During the third night, one of the bulls was scratching 
his hide by rubbing on the tail gate of one of the wagons in which 
a couple of men were trying to get some sleep. To scare him away 
one of them jabbed him with a sharp stick. The critter snorted 
and ran which stampeded the whole herd, and they broke out of 
the corral. 

Everyone then thought the jig was up. Their work stock was 
gone, and every time a man got from behind a wagon, an Indian 
took a shot at him. Two more men had been killed, everyone was 
wet. exhausted and desperate for food and water, besides being 
chilled to the bone. 

However, at daylight the sun shone, the work cattle were quietly 
grazing a short distance away, and there were no signs of Indians. 
It seemed unbelievable that they had been in such a predicament 


for the past three days. The Indians had evidently moved clear 
away from the area and the train was moved down by the river, 
where bedding and clothes were dried out before big bonfires, and 
the cooks soon had a big breakfast for everyone. 

Again the wagon train started north and climbed the hill on the 
north side of the river. As soon as the train was on top of the hill 
and strung out across the big flat ridge between Tongue River and 
the Five Mile Flat, about 400 warriors appeared from nowhere, 
and the wagons were quickly corraled again, this time on the hill. 
(This is conjecture, and does not coincide with Sawyer's report or 
other documented evidence of Holman's report — Compiler. ) 

The Indians stayed pretty much out of rifle range and just sat 
on the horses, except a half-dozen who approached the corral, 
carrying white flags. Seven chiefs were allowed to enter the corral 
for a talk with Colonel Sawyer. The chiefs told him that the 
Indians thought the wagon train was a part of the army that had 
attacked their camp a few days before, but upon learning that it 
was not, they wished to be friends. They did feel, however, that 
they should receive some supplies to pay for the Indians that had 
been killed. 

While the conference was going on more Indians stalked into 
the corral, claiming they had messages for the chiefs. When the 
number of armed Indians inside the corral got to 27, it was too 
much for the bullwhackers and they warned the Colonel several 
times that he should kick the Indians out before they killed the 
whole bunch of whites. The warnings were ignored by the Colonel 
so the employees actually mutinied, and by a vote of 60 to five took 
the leadership away from the Colonel and elected another. 

During the night the bodies of the three men killed north of the 
river were buried inside the corral, and the work cattle allowed to 
tramp over the grave, so the Indians could not locate it. 

The new leader decided it would be best to try to make it back 
to Fort Connor on Powder River, about a hundred miles away, 
as they were making no headway to the north and had been in 
their different corrals on Tongue River for thirteen days. A start 
was made on the back-track with no molestation by the Indians, 
who seemed to be satisfied that the whites were getting out of 
their country. Possibly some of the Indian scouts had discovered 
the cavalry coming up Tongue River under Captain Brown to 
rescue the Sawyer train. 

The train had back-tracked about ten miles when the men saw a 
cloud of dust coming behind them. At first they thought the 
Indians had decided to battle again, but they soon saw it was a 
column of cavalry so they immediately went into camp. There 
was much rejoicing, visiting and resting as everyone felt secure now 
with 1 20 soldiers to protect the outfit. Colonel Sawyer again took 
command. They remained in camp for two nights and a day, then 
turned around and headed north on the Bozeman Road. 


The cavalry, under Captain Brown, stayed with the expedition 
until it crossed the Big Horn River, which put them into friendly 
Crow country. They had no further Indian trouble and arrived 
at Virginia City, Montana Territory, after having been on the road 
for nearly six months. 

The siege described took place about half way between Ran- 
chester and Dayton, in early September, 1865, where the original 
Bozeman Road crossed Tongue River, and where the first post 
office of this area, named Bingham, was located about 14 years 

4:15 P.M. We left the crossing on Highway 14 for Ranchester 
and the site of the Connor Battlefield. 

By Charles Rawlings 

During the years 1 864 and 1 865 the Bozeman Road carried a 
"large part of the emigrants to Montana Territory. The Indians 
harassed the wagon trains from the time they left the North Platte 
until they crossed the Big Horn River, and it was necessary for 
them to travel in such large parties, for self protection, that it 
became hard to find enough grass along the route for their work 
stock. Some trains consisted of as many as 150 wagons with four 
or six oxen pulling each wagon, besides extra work stock, milk 
cows, and saddle horses. Often there would be up to 1000 head 
of livestock with each wagon train. Frequently the trains would 
deviate from the original road laid out by Bozeman in order to find 
adequate feed, or maybe to find a better way to climb a hill. 

Hunters with the trains supplied meat as they progressed through 
the country by killing the buffalo, antelope and elk. The Indians, 
realizing that if the whites were not stopped, the supply of buffalo 
and other animals would be diminished to such an extent that they 
would be unable to live off the land as they always had, did every- 
thing possible to discourage the emigrants. 

Gen. Patrick E. Connor, military commander of this district, 
was then ordered by the government to take a command of soldiers 
and stop the Indian outrages along the Bozeman Road. General 
Connor left Fort Laramie in the latter part of July, 1865, with 
nearly 500 Infantrymen, 250 Cavalrymen, 150 Winebago and 
Pawnee scouts and eight or ten mountain men as guides, including 
Jim Bridger as chief guide. Close behind came 200 supply wagons 
each pulled by four army mules. 

Jim Bridger predicted the Bozeman Road wouldn't work, as it 
passed right through the best hunting grounds of the Indians. 
When the Indians saw this military expedition heading into their 
last open country they were enraged. Although there were no 
contacts with Indians until the expedition reached Powder River, 


they could be seen at a distance, and General Connor knew they 
were being watched day and night. 

The troops reached Powder River on August 1 1 when they 
built a stockade of cottonwood logs and named it Fort Connor to 
be used as a supply base. Here on August 16 a small war party 
of Sioux skirmished with Connor's Pawnee scouts who secured 
twenty-four scalps. This happened near the now deserted town of 
Sussex, about 30 miles east of Kaycee, Wyoming. 

Leaving about 200 soldiers at the new fort, General Connor 
and the rest of his command started north on August 22, following 
the Bozeman Road and camping on Crazy Woman Creek the first 
night. On the third day of travel, they reached Lake DeSmet 
where they found a spring that showed signs of oil on the water, 
so the soldiers called it a flowing oil well. Capt. Henry E. Palmer, 
one of General Connor's staff officers, described Lake DeSmet "as 
being so strongly impregnated with alkali that an egg or potato 
would not sink in its waters." Coal was also discovered near the 
lake and was thought to line its entire bottom. The Captain sug- 
gested that a scheme might be inaugurated to tunnel into the coal 
under the lake, pump the oil into the alkali water, set the coal on 
fire and boil the entire mass into soap. 

On August 28, after crossing Piney Creek, Major North and a 
few Pawnee scouts were sent on the Bozeman Road with orders 
to report to General Connor that evening. The rest of the expedi- 
tion followed down Prairie Dog Creek Valley. They were setting 
up camp on Tongue River, at the mouth of Prairie Dog Creek, 
when Major North and his Pawnees rode in and reported that they 
had discovered an Indian village up Tongue River, about six hours' 
ride farther north. 

General Connor immediately called his officers together and 
instructed them to prepare the 250 cavalry, together with 80 Paw- 
nee scouts, for a mounted march toward the Indian village at once. 
They got under way about eight o'clock that evening, intending to 
reach their destination in time to attack the Indian village at 
daylight the next morning. General Connor and Captain Parker 
led the troops. 

Much delay was caused by the thick underbrush during their 
night ride. At daylight they lacked several miles of being near the 
village, but they kept on, even finding it necessary to travel right 
in the river to avoid the thick brush that bordered the river on 
both sides. Finally Captain Palmer, with his soldiers and Indian 
scouts, climbed a steep bank out of the Tongue River on the south 
side and was amazed to see several hundred Indian ponies grazing 
near by and many Indian tepees about a half-mile away to the left. 

Captain Palmer quickly turned his horse back down the steep 
bank, and motioning everyone to be quiet and to stand where they 
were, worked his way back to General Connor, who immediately 
took the lead. As soon as the soldiers came in sight the entire herd 


of Indian ponies stampeded right toward the tepees, a thousand 
dogs started barking and hundreds of Indians started yelling. The 
General led straight out on to the flat, and when he saw that all his 
men were in sight of the tepees, he wheeled the entire column to 
the left. As the bugle sounded they all fired into the camp without 
halting their horses. 

Seeing that they were greatly outnumbered, the soldiers knew 
they had to take every advantage, or probably lose their scalps, so 
no time was lost. The Arapahoes, under Chiefs Black Bear and 
Old David, made a brave stand but had to flee in order to save their 
women and children, leaving all their tepees and other plunder 

Part of the Indians were chased several miles up Tongue River 
and part of them several miles up Wolf Creek, as the battle took 
place where the two valleys joined, across the Tongue River from 
where the town of Ranchester is now located. The cavalry horses, 
having been ridden all the day before and all night, began playing 
out as they galloped after the Indians, so the troopers dropped out 
of the chase, one by one, until there were very few soldiers chasing 
the Indians. When the Indians discovered this they turned and 
chased the soldiers back down both Wolf Creek and Tongue River, 
but the soldiers that dropped out on the way up joined with the 
others as they came back down, so they soon had enough of an 
army to make a stand and hold the Indians off. 

While the cavalry was chasing the Arapahoes, the Pawnee scouts 
were busy rounding up Arapahoe ponies. The scouts and soldiers 
caught fresh mounts from this herd and turned their own tired 
horses loose to be driven to camp. The Indian ponies were afraid 
of the white men and many of them had never had a saddle cinched 
on before, so most of the tired troopers were thrown several times. 
It was a tired bunch of soldiers and horses that started back to 
camp 30 miles away. 

All the Arapahoe tepees, food and other property were burned 
along with the bodies of two soldiers and four Pawnee scouts. The 
son of Chief Black Bear and 63 other Arapahoes were claimed to 
have been killed. Eight squaws and 1 3 Arapahoe children were 
captured but turned loose the next day. 

The Arapahoes made several desperate attempts to recapture 
their horses and did manage to get back all but about 600 head, 
which the Pawnee scouts drove back to Fort Connor. 

General Connor allowed his men a couple days' rest before 
heading on down Tongue River to meet Col. Nelson Cole, who 
had started from Omaha with 600 cavalry troops and a large 
wagon supply train. By prearranged plans the two expeditions 
were to meet on lower Tongue River about the first of September. 
On September 4, a scout overtook the Connor command, with the 
news that the Sawyer train of road surveyors needed help, as the 
Indians had the train under siege a short way up Tongue River 



from where General Connor had the fight a few days before, so he 
went to their assistance. 

4:40 P. M. The trek disbanded after deciding that another trek 
should be taken next year. Paul Henderson thanked everyone for 
their cooperation and interest. 



Rosalind Bealey 

Maurine Carley 

Jane Houston 

Mr. and Mrs. L. L. Lowry 

Mr. and Mrs. Charles Ritter 

Christopher Ivey 

Meda Walker 

Mr. and Mrs. James Boan 

Kelly Boan 

Lt. Fred Wickam 

Grant Willson 


Dr. P. J. Bostrop 

Mr. and Mrs. J. O. Bowman 

Mrs. Harold Carson 

Mrs. Dale Carson 

Lyle Hildebrand and family 

Mrs. Bill Henry 

Dick Hornbuckle 

Claude McDermott 

Floyd Moore 

Eddie Moore and family 

Mr. and Mrs. Harry Stevick 

Larry Turner 


Thelma Condit 

Mr. and Mrs. Vere Duncan 

James Gurney and family 

Fred Hess 

Vivienne Hess 

Mrs. Mary Langhorst 

Frank Long 

Warren Lott 

Jarnine Lucas 

Mrs. Jack Meldrum 

Mr. and Mrs. D. R. Smith 

Mr. and Mrs. Tom Wall 

Burton Hill 

Howard Watt 

Mr. and Mrs. Wilbur Williams 


Harry Hodgson and Mary 
J. S. Johnson 


Mr. and Mrs. A. G. Bechtel 

George Bill 

Mr. and Mrs. W. J. Bretey 

Mr. and Mrs. Frank Brott 

May L. Corbett 

Mack Davis 

Laverne Davis 

Richard Eklund 

Mrs. Will Henry 

Mrs. Violet Hord 

Mr. and Mrs. Bert Jones 

Mr. and Mrs. G. M. Martin 

Mr. and Mrs. Bill Morgan 

Mr. and Mrs. Verne Mokler 

Helen Pashby 

Cathy Patrick 

Mr. and Mrs. Percy Scott 

Mrs. Guy Shreffler 

Helen Sherard 

John R. Thompson 

K. D. Van Wagener 


Mr. and Mrs. Peter Keenan 


Mr. and Mrs. Cecil Lucas 


Arthur Dickson 


Alecia Lund 

Big Horn 

Vie Willits Garber 
R. T. Helvey 


Elsa Spear Byron 
P. C. Carmine 
Nina Durfee 
Don Grey 
Mr. and Mrs. 
Mr. and Mrs. 

R. R. Johnson 
Glenn Sweem 

V. S. Griffith 
Bill Grimm and 




Edith Thompson 
William L. Thompson 


Grace Fenex 

Out of State 

Paula Waitman - Brush, Colorado 
Mr. and Mrs. Albert Bartlett - 

Santa Fe. N. M. 
Jack King - Billings, Mont. 
Bernice Rees - Billings 

Pierre LaBonte - Buzzards Bay, 

Christine Williams - Kansas City. 

Mrs. Helen Hayes - Arlington, Va. 

Marian Parlaseo - Elgin, 111. 

Mrs. Preston Parish - Fredericks- 
burg. Va. 

Mr. and Mrs. Owen Richardson - 
Erie, Pa. 

Mr. and Mrs. Paul Henderson - 
Bridgeport, Nebr. 

John Waitman and family - 

Mr. and Mrs. Walter Mnhr 

Seventy years and More Ago 

Dick J. Nelson 

The youngsters of today are losers by not having a chance to 
live the early Wyoming ranch life ways — to see and know the life 
it had to give. Often, it was up before sunrise, one just couldn't 
stay lolling in bed — you wanted to be up and at 'em, saddle up, 
ride out — a motherless calf might be waiting to be picked up and 
fed. One wanted to see the grass covered hills — the grazing cattle, 
horses and antelope — get the feel of a good horse's gait and saddle 
— things that brought thrills. There was always sweet music com- 
ing from the jingling rowels on spurs — the throw of a perfect loop 
was an art — the roundup, cutting, branding — the drive to the 
railroad shipping pens. Yes, the ranch life then was packed with 
thrilling unequaled lures. 

Sweetwater journalism 
and Western Myth 


Jay Gurian 

Classically the frontier newspaper is described as a running 
chronicle of tall tales, lawlessness yarns and folk humor. The 
Territorial Enterprise of Virginia City, Nevada is often cited as 
the archetype of such hyperbole. Its columns bulged with "eye- 
witness accounts" of shootings, miners' violence, tainted women, 
barroom brawls, abused law officers, runaway men — and animals. 
These are supported by such critics as Bernard DeVoto to have 
reflected the "reality" of Western settlement. 1 

Little has been written to contradict or at least modify this 
mythic over-generalization. Yet the three dozen surviving issues 
of South Pass City's two newspapers offer strong counterevidence. 
They represent a sizeable body of frontier journalism, contempor- 
ary with The Enterprise, that reflected and encouraged orderly, 
constructive communities. After all, there were scores of lesser 
mining community journals like The Sweetwater Mines for every 
sensational sheet like The Enterprise or The Helena Gazette. As 
the example of Sweetwater journalism shows, all of these need 
analysis before the DeVoto kind of generalization can be believed. 

Contrary of the editorial policy of The Enterprise, the policies 
of both Sweetwater papers were based on the premise that South 
Pass City and Atlantic City were law-abiding. There is sufficient 
surviving evidence in court dockets, County Commissioners' Min- 
utes and other sources to make the premise credible. It is impos- 
sible to be sure how much the difference between Comstock and 
Sweetwater editorial policies reflected divergent "community real- 
ities.* But it is possible to prove the editorial assumptions of The 
Sweetwater Mines and The South Pass News by analyzing editorial 
comment and column content. 

Thirty-five issues of The Mines are known to exist, thirty-four 
in the Bancroft Library and one in the Denver Public Library. In 
Pioneer Printing in Wyoming, Douglas McMurtrie has speculated 
that the paper was probably first issued Saturday, February 15, 
The first extant issue is dated March 21, published at Fort 

1. See Bernard DeVoto, Mark Twain's America, Boston, 1932. p. 123. 
And Effie Mona Mack, Mark Twain in Nevada, New York, 1947, p. 183. 


Bridger, southwest of Sweetwater. In the April 5 issue the 
editors, J. E. Warren and Charles J. Hazard note: 

To those of our friends in this vicinity wanting Job Printing done, we 
say, bring in your orders this week, for we remove our office to South 
Pass City next week, wind and weather permitting. ("Local Matters" 

But the April 1 1 and April 15 issues were datelined "Fort Bridg- 
er. 7 The first surviving South Pass City issue is dated May 27 as 
are the following fourteen survivors, the last dated August 8. The 
next extant issue was dated November 25 and was published in 
Bryan City along the Union Pacific construction line. Presum- 
ably the egress of miners for railroad work and the inaccessability 
of the Sweetwater (at an altitude of nearly 8,000 feet) dictated 
the move."- The next surviving South Pass City issue of The 
Mines is dated April 7, 1869; one for June 19 and another for 
July 14, completes the surviving Sweetwater-published total. But 
what we have is enough to judge the editors" intentions during the 
two summers of greatest Sweetwater activity. 

In the first extant Sweetwater issue (May 27, 1868) under 
"Local Matters" the editors printed two refutations of items in 
The Helena Gazette (Montana) and The Reese River Reveille 
(Nevada). Both papers had reported shootings in the Sweetwater 
area. First, Warren and Hazard desire "to correct a statement 
... in the case of the shooting [of J Lovejoy by Ryan." A South 
Pass citizen, Mr. Hust, was accused in The Gazette of inciting the 
incident, but he "desires us to say that no difficulty occurred be- 
tween him and Mr. Ryan, and that all the participation he had in 
the affair (for he was present) was only in the character of a 

In the second case the editors correct a letter "from a passenger 
to the Sweetwater Mining country, published in the Reveille, 
alleging a well-known citizen of Austin," James McCarthy, to have 
shot a companion. The editors claim "to have heard all the facts 
in the case and in justice to Mr. McCarthy we desire to say that his 
friends are as numerous as ever," that McCarthy in fact arranged 
the wounded man's care, and that the wounded "was alone to 
blame." Strangely, there is only one other local gunplay incident 
in the seventeen extant issues published at South Pass City. :i The 

2. See Lola Homsher, South Pass, 1868, University of Nebraska Press, 
1960, p. 218. Also, The Mines, May 27, 1868, advertisement: "1,000 
laborers wanted to grade the railroad from Quaking Asp Mountain to the 
head of Echo Canyon. . . ." 

3. June 19, 1869. Atlantic City assayer Mr. Hahn was "severely wound- 
ed," the assailant claiming it accidental. The editors condemn the use of 
firearms while intoxicated, claiming there have been a number of similar 


virtual absence of such reporting, extreme for any newspaper, 
suggests that the editors designed consciously an image of law- 
lessness for the new communities. 

The sources of these two items — other western newspapers — 
reflect a continuing habit of editors Warren and Hazard to borrow: 
a habit universal among Western settlement journals. In the May 
27. 1868 issue alone, aside from the two instances of borrowing 
above, the editors printed an eleven line anecdote from The Enter- 
prise ("Mark Twain Bricked"), an eleven line report from The 
Salt Lake Reporter of gold strikes in Utah; and on the first page, 
an excerpt entitled "The Beauties of Wyoming" from the Frontier 
huie.x, a paper printed at various construction points along the 
Union Pacific line. A half column on the same page is filled with 
an excerpt from The Owyhee Avalanche, May 9, called "Northern 
Pacific Railroad." Still another item, from The Cheyenne Argus, 
tells about an overturned coach on the Cheyenne-Denver route. 
Borrowing was, of course, the handiest means at the time for re- 
porting news beyond the locale, the press bureaus not yet having 
been established. 4 

A number of items in the "Local Matters" columns of the May 
27 issue discuss community conditions. Referring to the telegraph 
line then being run from points south up to South Pass City, the 
editors remark: 

The object of the expedition is accomplished. A. C. Bassett, Esq.. 
has completed arrangements by which the telegraph line will be up 
and in working order within the next two or three days. Many of the 
citizens here have contributed liberally towards getting the line estab- 
lished, but they will be amply repaid by the advantages to be derived 
from it. . . . 

And just below: 

We are pleased to see the energy exhibited by the miners on Rock 
Creek in opening up their claims. ... A great deal of preparatory work 
is being done and done well. We speak whereof we know, being an 
old miner ourself. 

Two items later: 

The Board of County Commissioners will meet on Monday. June 1st. 
at ten o'clock A.M. at the office of the Register of Deeds. 

A. G. Turner 

Clerk of Board 

The next item: 

Business men will not fail to read the notice in another column to all 
persons liable to pay license, and see if the "shoe" fits them. 

4. See Frank L. Mott. American Journalism, New York. 1941, p. 592. 


In the next column the following appeared: 

NOTICE — Notice is hereby given to Merchants, Saloon Keepers. 

Butchers, and all persons liable to pay license, that unless they are 

paid by the 30th inst., that all unpaid will be put into the hands of the 

District Attorney for collection. 

H. A. Thompson 
Ex-Officio Treasurer 

The same announcement appeared again in the next issue (May 
30. ) The Minutes of the County Commissioners record that in 
their April 17, April 28 and May 11 meetings they had passed 
resolutions fixing license rates, as required in the statute that 
created Carter County. As further evidence of community organ- 
ization it should be noted that the Commissioners did meet on 
June 1st, as announced."' 

In a two-thirds column editorial in the same issue, titled "A 
Contrast," the editors take to task the get-rich-quick kind of miner: 

GROUPS OF SUCH UNFORTUNATES ... can be seen assembled 
in the saloons and other public places, whiling away the time in telling 
stories of the lively times they have experienced in the different mining 
camps, or of the reputed wealth of some far off unexplored country. 
. . . Well, this is one class that we come into contact with here, but for- 
tunately they do not remain long to annoy anyone. . . . However, we 
are thankful that, notwithstanding "all men are born free and equal," 
they differ in many respects, for we have another class of men here, 
who are quite the reverse of the one we have endeavored to describe 
who had [sic] not reared their air castles to such a giddy hight [sic] 
before coming here, and who possessed sufficient energy and stamina 
to overcome the many obstacles found in their paths. Upon men of 
this kind do we depend for the future developments of this country, 
and we are confident that their effort will not cease until this object 
is accomplished. . . . 

The invocation of permanent settlement, hard work, diligence 
would not be significant except that it is so frequently echoed in 
the issues of The Mines that follow. This is the prevailing tone. 
In the next issue, May 30, 1 868, under "Local Matters" the 
editors recommend C. L. Lightburn's and John McGrather's 
"store" pointing out that Lightburn came to South Pass City in 
the winter of 1867 (just after its "laying out as a town") and 
remained through the winter "when business was dull, giving 
credit to many who needed goods, thus extending his former repu- 
tation for liberality in business matters . ., . and by their upright 
and honorable dealings [the partners] have a well-deserved and 
an enviable reputation. We can recommend them." The part- 
ners, then, are valued for their cooperative, communitarian im- 

5. Minutes of the County Commisioners, Carter County, Territory of 
Dakota. 1868-1870, University of Wyoming Library, Western History Divi- 


The following item notes that William Rose and Edward Oilman 
(California miners then at Sweetwater) considered the statements 
about Death Valley in the previous issue to have been exaggerated. 
Such correction of exaggeration is one of the editors' continual 
attempts to separate hyperbole from fact. 

The June 6 issue reports the "GRAND DEMOCRATIC MASS 
MEETING" that had been advertized in the June 3 issue. Despite 
the headline adjective, the report is straightforward. It begins by 
naming the time and place, the officers appointed to run the meet- 
ing, and the delegate chosen to represent Carter County at the 
National Convention. It continues, "The following motion was 
adopted, that a committee of three be appointed to draft resolu- 
tions expressive of the sentiments of the Democracy of this sec- 
tion. . . ." It reports the names of the committee members chosen, 
reports adjournment, reconvention at 5 p.m., then gives in full the 
resolutions adopted. The last of these reads: "That the thanks of 
the meeting be tendered to the proprietors of the Sweetwater Mines 
for publishing the call for this meeting." In keeping with the 
general tone, the last paragraph of the article reports: 

The meeting was then addressed by J. M. Thurmond. Esq.. Judge J. 
W. Stillman and Sheriff J. R. Murphy, after which cheers were given 
for the old Flag; much enthusiasm prevailed. The meeting adjourned 
at the call of the president. 

The lack of flourish in this report is not unusual for Sweetwater 

The rather sober tone already noted in a number of articles is 
reiterated in an excellent editorial for the June 10 issue. It some- 
what duplicates the May 27 editorial on "steady settlers" already 
quoted. Its sentiments are so contrary in content and tone to 
what is allegedly "typical" of mining camp journalism, that they 
are worth noting at length: 


With the spring immigration come many to Sweetwater, who make 
their first advent into a mining country. They are some of them 
monied. some are merchants, many have only their labor for capital: 
but all have "great expectations." They are excited by the tales of 
fabulous wealth buried here: buoyed up by the prospect of soon seeing 
huge bricks, great nuggets and splendid specimens, and for a time 
exist in a sensational, unnatural and unwholesome atmosphere, by 
which realities are sadly distorted. To all new comers we say. "go 
steady." You who are poor go to work by the day. in gulch or mine, 
in store, or wherever you can find it. Labor is no disgrace in Sweet- 
water. In your woolen shirt and gum boots, other things being equal, 
you are a peer to the proudest. Be economical. You may earn $6 
or $7 or $8 a day: more than a week's wages in the States; but don"t 
squander it foolishly. There is not one "pilgrim" in fifty but that sees 
hard times the first winter. . . . too many who do make money, yield 
to the allurements of the gaming table or the saloon, and are dead 
broke at the commencement of the long winter; you can make more 
money here than in the States; you have to contend strongly against 



the tendency it creates for extravagance and dissipation. You have 
much to learn before ycu are fitted for prospectors, or judging the 
value of mines. . . . 

The tone is neither pompous nor pious; it is rational. The editors 
rightly do not deny the presence of lawlessness and the distractions 
of "vice." It would be ridiculous to claim Sweetwater was as 
"settled in" as a New England community. But the significant 
point is, the editors do not romanticize anti-community behavior. 

Only two pages remain of the July 1 8 issue, but the report there- 
in of the Independence Day (July 4th) celebration is valuable as 
another expression of community value: "The day passed off 
quietly and orderly, not a single disturbance occurred in our streets, 
no accidents of any kind, although the firing of anvils, pistols, 
guns, etc., was kept up during the entire day. 11 The writer goes 
on to praise the citizens' patriotism "though far removed from our 
earlier homes on the western and eastern shores of our beloved 

As previously pointed out, commentators emphasize that West- 
ern newspapers were outlets for folk humor. Discussing a number 
of the more prominent Nineteenth Century newspaper humorists, 
Constance Rourke generalizes: 

But their significance is chiefly that of their category, and one must 
persistently remember that they were only the more prominent of 
literally hundreds of humorists whose writing formed a great part of 
the material published in hundreds of newspapers all over America, 
and especially on the far-flung frontier. 

The importance of this literature for history is its complete embodi- 
ment of frontier society.' 1 

From the point of view of folk humor scholarship, newspaper 
humor can perhaps be defended as a "complete embodiment of 
frontier society." But as a generalization for Western mining 
community history it must be questioned. "Humor" was never 
more than an incidental interest in Sweetwater journalism, as the 
following subject-matter breakdown of three scattered issues will 


Local Affairs 
National and Inter- 
national news 







3 1/3 




6. Constance Rourke, American Humor, "Facing West," New York, 

7. "SM" refers to The Sweetwater Mines, "SPN" to The South Pass 
News. Each issue had five columns per page, each column 14!/2 inches 
vertically. There were twenty columns in four pages. 




: 3 


Westernalia (nature. 

settlement, etc.) 

1 1/3 

Mining Laws. News. 


2 1 2 


General History 



Humor: Anecdote, 

Description, Editorial 



Territorial & Federal 



The definition of humor that determined the figures above includes 
imported (borrowed) items, often from The Territorial Enterprise, 
and occasional attempts by Warren and Hazard or their writers. 
Though few, these suggest that folk humor was not the gift of 
every frontier newspaperman! One sample, worth citing because 
it deals with a favorite Western subject, appeared in the June 10, 
1 868 issue: 

The great feature of the past week in South Pass City has been the 
opening of the magnificent Magnolia Saloon. . . . George [Hust, pro- 
prietor] is known never to stop at trifles, when once he puts that 
broad shoulder of his to the wheel, things must move then or bust. 
. . . All ye unwashed go to the Magnolia and take a look at your- 
selves in that magnificent $1,500 mirror behind the long refreshment 
stand, and our word for it, you'll feel a confounded sight better or 
worse, either one. 

A squib in the May 30, 1868 issue is equally trite: 

We visited Atlantic City the other day, and were immediately seized 
by "Red Cloud," who carried us captive (as he was taken captive by 
that celebrated Indian Chief) to H. B. McComber's brewery and then 
and there dosed with the best ale we ever tasted in this Rocky Moun- 
tain Country. We owe "Red Cloud" one. 

Three "tall tale" items can be found in surviving Sweetwater 
issues, of which the following is the longest. It was printed in 
The Mines, March 21, 1868, then being published at Fort Bridger. 
Under the title "Correspondence" the editors published a letter 
dated "March 14, Salt Lake City" and signed by "Hank Whip." 

Do you know, sir, that your little brick of a paper is sought here with 
as much avidity by both Mormon and Gentile, as a free lunch table 
would be by a corner loafer. . . . Said a business man to me: "It 
contains more interesting reading matter than the Reese River Rev- 
eille. . . ." 

The city is filled with strangers en route for the Sweetwater mines. 
The western coaches are coming in now loaded down with passengers 
for that destination. . . . Whenever W. F. & Co. [Wells Fargo] stock 
the road between Fort Bridger and South Pass City as I understand 
they will shortly do — you may look for an influx of passengers whose 
number will require a daily dozen coaches to accommodate them. 
Already our hotels here are crowded with strangers from Austin, 
Virginia City, Gold Hill and elsewhere; and even San Francisco has 
her representatives here, bound for our new El Dorado. One of Dan 
DeOuiH s pack trains is on the way here from Austin, Nevada, loaded 


with a general assortment of mining goods such as gum boots, quick- 
silver, etc. . . . 

As this letter has already reached the full number of feet in length 
(3,000 ft.) allowed by the United States law on any one ledge, I must 
put my stake down and locate on something else in my next. 

But exaggeration such as this, connecting Sweetwater with the 
principle bonanzas of Nevada and California, was never instituted 
in The Mines. Instead, Warren and Hazard chose to build up 
Sweetwater in terms of economic wealth that would bring prosper- 
ity and permanent settlement. This exaggeration clearly resembles 
the kind of Western settlement oratory and writing which throws a 
quasi-religious mystique over the idea of "free land. ,,s Miners and 
their families bound for Sweetwater are often referred to as "pil- 
grims for Sweetwater," or "the Sweetwater pilgrims." Besides 
themselves glorifying, the editors printed others' 1 glorifications. In 
the March 28, 1 868 issue they reprinted a long letter by John W. 
Clampitt, "Special Agent, Post Office Department," (Salt Lake 
City). First he outlines the proper posting procedure to and from 
Fort Bridger (where The Mines was still being published), then 
he continues with a copy of his own letter to the Postmaster Gen- 
eral on the need for a post office at South Pass City: 

The population of South Pass City in one or two months from the 
present date will be at least three thousand, and judging from reports 
presumed to be reliable, by the 4th of July next, there will be a popu- 
lation of ten thousand persons to celebrate, at that point, the nation's 
anniversary. 11 Miners, merchants, lawyers, physicians, sons of toil and 
the hardy pioneer, who, amid storms and snow, and the wilds of un- 
broken nature, part the way to a civilization that reflects honor upon 
our race and land — are flocking thither. From the El Dorado upon 
the Pacific, the Sierras of Nevada, from Idaho, Montana, Utah and 
Colorado, they are "marching on" to Wyoming. . . . Independent of 
the rich bearing quartz ledges there is another source of wealth, the 
development of which forms in all cases for a people, the firmest 
foundation for permanent prosperity. I allude to agriculture. This 
section of country contains some of the finest and richest agricultural 
valleys to be found in this western country. The fertility of the soil 
is such, watered by pure mountain streams, that in a short period it 
will yield in return for the labors of the farmer, a rich harvest. 10 

While Clampitt's description is practically a parody of the "free 
land" exaggerations common during the Nineteenth Century, the 

8. Henry Nash Smith's familiar analysis in Virgin Land documents and 
interprets this. 

9. Though no census is available for 1868. it is reasonable to believe that 
South Pass City's population at no time exceeded 2,000, even including 
ancillary encampments along the streams and gulches. 

10. Referring to the Wind River Valley region north of Sweetwater. 
Much harassed by Indians, poor transportation facilities and merciless 
winters, the few valley settlers were unable to develop a stable situation 
till the 1880's, long after Sweetwater had depopulated. 


editors" frequent local versions are on the whole notable for re- 
straint. They seldom use trite phrases; they simply assume a 
wealth, (though unproved till disproved) as part of the "gift of 
nature" American settlement must manifestly develop. Sometimes 
they are anecdotal, as in the May 27, 1868 issue: 

We have had brought to our notice a little circumstance that goes to 
show upon what slight foundation many men condemn a mining 
country. Two gentlemen, who came here a few days ago, concluded 
that there was no show for them and that they would leave tor other 
parts, but while out hunting for their stock they discovered and located 
two ledges that they pronounced richer than anything they ever saw. 
The lodes are large and the rock exhibits free gold in abundance. 
These gentlemen are now of the opinion that the country abounds in 
rich ledges and that not one quarter of them have yet been discovered, 
to which sensible opinion we must decidedly concur. 

Sometimes the editors themselves defend Sweetwater's wealth. 
The June 6, 1868 editorial takes off at The Helena Herald: 

Notwithstanding the false reports and willful misrepresentations which 
have been circulating concerning our mines in this Sweetwater coun- 
try, they fully come up to the expectations of all the sensible and 
experienced men who have come here. . . . The Herald, a virile and 
insinuating sheet, but unfortunately devoid of influence . . . comes out 
again, its columns fraught with falsehoods as usual concerning this 
country. ... A short time since we saw a statement in the Herald, 
about the great number of people, who had taken their advice, and 
staid Tsic] away from Sweetwater. This continuous boasting of the 
Herald about their unbounded influence . . . reminds us of the heroic 
deeds performed by SIR JOHN FALSTAFF, as stated by himself. 

This is one of the few examples of inter-journal mudslinging to 
be found in the surviving issues of The Mines. In their July 3, 
I 868 issue the editors more mildly report the arrival of three wagon 
teams "loaded with provisions" from Salt Lake City: 

We hope, ere long, to see both the demand and supply increased in 
our vicinity, and without doubt we shall, for as soon as the mills and 
other apparatus get well to work, we shall be able to present sub- 
stantial proof to refute the statements made by those who have . . . 
pronounced our country a "bilk." and our valuable mines a myth. 

A third, and modest, form of local manifest destiny exaggeration 
was a series of reassuring squibs in which the editors reported their 
findings on location visits to the "diggings," or the optimism of 
interviewees. Examples are too numerous to cite fully; for in- 
stance, four in the May 30 issue and four in the June 6 issue alone. 
A random selection from a year and a half of publication, should 
be enough: 

June 14. 1868: Buildings are rapidly going up in Atlantic City, show- 
ing the well-founded confidence its citizens have in the wealth of the 
surrounding quartz and placer claims. . . . Ye poor miserable sceptics 
as to the wealth of our country, go over there and take a look for 
yourselves, and then, if you have any knowledge of mining — you'll not 
expose yourself by denouncing the country's resources. 


July 18, 1868: Yesterday we took a stroll down Willow Creek and had 
a good look at Mssrs. Tozer and Eddy's quartz mill, which is very 
nearly completed. We doubt if anywhere upon the Pacific Coast can 
be found (like this one) a quartz mill within a log building. 

December 23, 1868 (published at Bryan City): We had the pleasure 
of meeting Frank R. Judd, Esq., of Chicago, the other day. Mr. Judd 
paid our town a visit on business in regard to some mining interests 
in the Sweetwater country ... he being an old Sweetwaterite, and, 
like all others who have been there, having perfect confidence in the 
mines, believing that it will be glorious. 

And from The South Pass News, October 27, 1869: 

ANOTHER STAMP MILL COMING— We are glad to learn that 
Mr. Pease . . . and also several others . . . has formed a company in 
Chicago for working these mines, and that one of those splendid 
engines and quartz mills has been ordered from the Eagle Works 
Manufacturing Company, P. W. Gates, President, Chicago. . . . There 
are a great number of mines discovered which "prospect" well, and 
nothing but capital and machinery is wanting to bring out their hidden 
riches. We believe that in less than six months half a score more of 
these quartz mills will be in process of erection in Sweetwater, and 
the proprietors of all coining money. 

Actually it had become clear by the middle of the following sum- 
mer, a little more than six months later, that the shallow deposits in 
the Sweetwater area would not pay for a large or permanent com- 
munity, and that deep shaft mining would not yield a future. 
Warren and Hazard had been exaggerating all along, but not to 
sell sensational sheets in which citizens could satisfy a lust for 

Research into Sweetwater newspapers inevitably leads back to 
the communities for which they were printed. Since only a few 
issues are extant, it is impossible to deduce anything about The 
South Pass News, but it is possible to say that in The Sweetwater 
Mines editorial policy and humor do not fit the conventional de- 
scriptions of frontier journalism. Is it equally possible to say that 
the communities were "different" from the ordinary mining com- 
munity? There is ample evidence that South Pass City and 
Atlantic City little resembled the rip-roaring hell towns of popular 
history and grade B movies. In fact, by examining the real records 
and newspapers of other western mining communities, like Sweet- 
water's, not prey to commercialization in either century, future 
western scholars will probably find that neither Virginia City nor 
The Territorial Enterprise was "archetype" — only apogee. It is 
time to stop romanticizing our West. The truth was extraordinary 
enough. A new, calm, orderly look at the written evidence would 
be a first step. Court and commissioners 1 records lie untouched 
in archives while writers dig through earlier glamographs for 
"facts." The inside pages of old newspapers go unread by re- 
searchers eager to find lawlessness in flaring Page One headlines. 
The actual history of South Pass City, as of western mining settle- 
ment in general, has yet to be written. 

Wyoming State Mistorical Society 



Neal Miller 

Ten short years of activity by the Wyoming State Historical 
Society — organized in October of 1953 — have seen many changes 
in this field and much accomplished. Yet much remains to be 
done for the preservation, recording, and display of our historical 
heritage in the State of Wyoming. 

By statute every county is now authorized to maintain, operate, 
and build a county museum; and to name a museum board for its 
administration. This is not contingent on the existence of a county 
chapter of this society, but where our chapters exist they can be of 
great influence and assistance to the regularly elected authorities 
of the county in developing and establishing these needed county 
focal points of history. 

It is to be hoped that the day may soon come when the historical 
background of each county and the State is recognized by all for 
what it is; an essential part of the education of our youth, our new 
residents, the traveler within our borders. Although this is in part 
presented by our present educational system it must also be avail- 
able to the general public and include what is not and cannot be 
included in our educational plants: a repository for documents, 
photographs, and the vast assortment of other material for re- 
search, enlightenment, and even entertainment of our residents 
and visitors. 

Our State Archives and Historical Department and State Mu- 
seum also have fulfilled a great part of their duty in the preserva- 
tion, storage, and display of historical papers, archival records and 
artifacts. The need is greater than ever before for the State to 
provide adequate facilities for this Department to conduct its work, 
and meet the demands for expansion in one properly engineered 
place. If this is not done, much of the work of recent years may 
be cancelled, and incentive for further activity unfortunately cur- 
tailed, much to the loss of the citizens of Wyoming. 

History moves along with time and is always ahead of those 
working in this field. The mass of historical material increases. 
The obligation to preserve tomorrow's history while it is with us 
today is great. And so local groups and governmental subdi- 
visions will play an increasing part in preserving materials, sites, 
and buildings for the historical heritage of the future. 


Wyoming's historical heritage is not just the fur trapper, the 
covered wagon, the cowboy and Indian. Although they played a 
fascinating and important role in the development of this country 
there are other areas of activity which are and will be highlights 
in our historical pageant: industry — mining, railroads, oil and 
gas, timber and many others; commercial activities throughout the 
state; farming and ranching; natural resources and their uses; 
education and institutions of higher learning, village, town and 
city development. The list is endless. 

So it is obvious that our work has the widest possible scope. It 
has an ancient and dim beginning and no visible ending. It is a 
professional field and we can be grateful for professional help 
among our members, in our schools and colleges, in our State 
Archives and Historical Department, and throughout the nation 
by other professional groups, individuals and institutions. There 
is much to be done — we welcome all who are interested and 

History is a personal thing — it is made by people and groups of 
people — but only by parting with it, imparting it to others, can it 
be preserved. 

Sheridan, Wyoming September 7-8, 1963 

The Sheridan Inn was a busy place the morning of September 7, 
1963. After registering, many members participated in the auto- 
graph session with Mari Sandoz, or they enjoyed the exhibit of 
Western and historical art by such noted artists as Hans Kleiber, 
George Ostrom, J. Kenneth Ralston and Lyle Compton. Coffee 
and rolls were served by the Sheridan County Chapter. 

The Tenth Annual Business Meeting of the Wyoming State His- 
torical Society was called to order at 1 1 :00 a.m. on Saturday, 
September 7, 1963, in the Stage Coach Room of the Sheridan Inn, 
by the president, Mr. Charles Ritter. 

Mr. Bob Miller, of the Sheridan Chamber of Commerce, ex- 
tended a warm welcome to the 100 members of the Society who 
were present. 

It was moved and seconded to accept the minutes of the Ninth 
Annual Meeting as printed in the April, 1963, Annals of Wyoming. 
The motion was carried. The minutes of the Executive Committee 
meeting held in Cheyenne on November 17, 1962, were read and 
approved, as were those for the July 6, 1963, Executive Committee 
meeting held in Casper. 

The president asked for the reading of the treasurer's report, 
which was given as follows: 



September 8, 1962-September 7, 1963 

Cash and investments on hand September 8, 1962 $12,426.88 


Dues $3,238.00 

Hunton Diaries 47.50 

Gifts 12.00 

Interest 546.17 3.843.67 



Annals of Wyoming $1,699.00 

Hunton Diaries 90.00 

9th Annual Meeting 124.99 

President's Expense 47.12 
Committees, supplies, postage. 

phone, flowers, trek 213.33 2.174.44 

$14,096.1 1 


September 7. 1963 

Stock Growers National Bank. Cheyenne $ 1.054.78 

Federal Building and Loan Association. Cheyenne 9,726.49 

Life Memberships. F. B. and L., Cheyenne 3,034.35 

Bishop Memorial Fund. Cheyenne National Savings 280.49 


The president appointed Mr. E. A. Littleton, of Gillette, and 
Robert Larson, of Cheyenne, to audit the treasurer's books at a 
later date. 


Excellent reports were given by delegates from 1 3 county chap- 
ters. These were filed with the secretary. Only a few highlights 
of unusual activities can be reported here. 

Albany County Historical Society had one especially interesting 
program based on the visits to Laramie of several presidents of the 
United States. 

Campbell County Historical Society set up a typical homestead- 
er's kitchen of 1913 as their contribution to the Campbell County 
Fair in Gillette. This proved to be very popular, and the chapter 
plans to exhibit an additional period room next year. 

Carbon County Historical Society has enjoyed several carry-in 
suppers and a two-day trek to Fort Laramie. 

Goshen County Historical Society has framed pictures of all the 
Goshen County officers from 1911 and they have been hung in 
the Court House. The total number of pictures was 93. Awards 
were made to the outstanding history students in the Goshen 
County High School and the Goshen County Community College. 

Fremont County Historical Society is planning to place markers 
at the county's many historical sites. 


Laramie County Historical Society held a "Show and TelL pro- 
gram which was entertaining and informative. 

Natrona County Historical Society members receive a letter each 
month from their president, who keeps them informed about their 
chapter's activities. This also includes little notes of historical 

Park County Historical Society had as one of its most interesting 
meetings a carefully planned Question and Answer program. 

Johnson County Historical Society entertained the Bozeman 
Trail trekkers at a delightful coffee the evening they spent in Buf- 
falo on July 13. 

The meeting was adjourned for lunch, and was reconvened 
promptly at 1 : 30 p.m. 

The president asked the members to stand silently as a tribute 
to Mr. A. H. MacDougall, a former president of the Wyoming 
State Historical Society, who died during the past year. Mr. Little- 
ton moved that a committee be appointed to send a resolution of 
sympathy to his family. The motion was seconded and carried. 
Mrs. Walter Lambertson, of Rawlins, and Mr. Jack McDermott, 
of Fort Laramie, were appointed to the committee. 

Chapter reports were continued as follows: 

Sheridan County Historical Society has been busy the past year 
helping with the Bozeman Trail Trek and making plans for this 
Annual Meeting. 

Washakie County Historical Society reported it has been coop- 
erating with the County Commissioners and the Worland Chamber 
of Commerce in planning the observance of Worland's Golden 
Anniversary this year. 

Platte County Historical Society has organized a writing session 
as part of its activities. The interesting papers have been read with 
lively discussions and reminiscences followed each paper. 

Uinta County Historical Society report was given by Mr. Charles 
F. Guild, after which he displayed an album containing pictures of 
stage and Pony Express stations which he has collected. He asked 
that anyone having additional pictures which would complete the 
record get in touch with him. 


For the first time since the founding of the Society officers of 
the State Society gave reports at an Annual Meeting. 

The president, Charles Ritter, reported that after arranging con- 
venient meeting dates, he made official visits to the Platte, Uinta, 
Carbon, Natrona, Goshen, Campbell and Laramie County chap- 
ters. He called two executive meetings during the year. 

The first vice president, Neal Miller, reported that he had written 
to each chapter asking for suggestions for a statewide program for 
the State Society. These will be presented under new business. 
He called attention to a display of distinctive county chapter letter- 


heads which he had collected. Mr. Miller recommended individual 
membership in the American Association for State and Local His- 
tory, and reviewed some of the benefits available through member- 

Mrs. Charles Hord, second vice president, asked that all mem- 
bers be alert to activities and persons who would qualify for his- 
torical awards. She stated that awards for the past year will be 
presented at the dinner meeting. 

The secretary gave the following report on the sales of the 
Hunton Diaries: 

Cost of three volumes $775.00 

Deposited from sales 620.67 

Balance owed Treasury 154.33 

On hand: Vol. I 31 

Vol. II 26 

Vol. Ill 27 

The secretary suggested that all county chapters buy some 
diaries to sell to their members. Chapters can make money 
through the sale, and members can purchase them for less than the 
bookstore price. She urged that this project be completed. 

The secretary reported that the Bozeman Trail Trek was very 
successful, due largely to the fine cooperation of the Johnson and 
Sheridan County chapters. 

The executive secretary, Lola M. Homsher, gave a full summary 
of the accomplishments of the Society since its organization ten 
years ago, and pointed the way for further progress. Her report 
appears at the end of these minutes. 


Archaeological Committee. Mr. Glenn Sweem, chairman, gave 
a concise report which contained detailed information on activities 
relating to the Archaeological Bill, the tracing of the Bozeman 
Trail, locating the site of the Sawyer Expedition Battlefield and an 
investigation carried on at the Reshaw Burial site. 

Legislative Committee. Mr. William Mclnerney reported that 
the Archaeological Bill had not been passed by the 37th Legisla- 
ture. This led to a discussion as to the reasons for its defeat. It 
was proposed that a revised version of this bill be introduced in 
the next legislature. 

Scholarship Committee. Dr. T. A. Larson reported that during 
the past year there has been no response to the Society's project of 
giving financial assistance to persons writing county histories. He 
said that a new proposal will be introduced under new business. 


The following resolutions were presented by Mr. Reuel Arm- 


strong, resolutions committee chairman. These resolutions are 
printed here in final form as amended and approved. 

I. WHEREAS individuals unskilled in the science of archaeological 
exploration, while exploring and searching old historical sites, or excavating 
them for souvenir artifacts or relics may unwittingly forever destroy or 
eliminate invaluable data and evidence relative to the time and historical 
sequence of events that transpired at the time the unearthed relics or artifacts 
were deposited by the pioneer or ancient inhabitants of the site; and which 
invaluable evidence could only be determined or obtained by scientifically 
trained archaeologists. 

THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED that both Federal and State laws (to 
date) prohibiting irresponsible souvenir "pot hunters" from excavating 
valuable historical sites of Wyoming for relics and artifacts be officially 
published in History News and also that they be sent to the local newspapers 
of the different county chapters of the State Historical Society, for the 
enlightenment and instruction of all the membership and the general public 

BE IT RESOLVED that all valuable historic sites of Wyoming be legally 
and officially posted and the way prepared for legal prosecution of willful 

II. WHEREAS the Tenth Annual Meeting of the Wyoming State His- 
torical Society has been worthwhile and enjoyable, with attractive Western 
decorations, and 

WHEREAS members of the Society who have been hosts to such a meet- 
ing appreciate the work and thought that are necessary 

THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED that the Wyoming State Historical 
Society is grateful and wishes to express its sincere thanks to the Sheridan 
County Chapter for a well-planned meeting. 

Mr. Armstrong moved that this resolution be accepted. The 
motion was seconded and carried. 

Mr. Neal Miller, program-projects chairman, presented the fol- 
lowing proposals to be considered for possible inclusion in a state 
program for the Society: 

I. Restoration of Tea Pot Rock in Natrona County. It was 
moved that the request be referred to the 1964 program chairman. 
The motion was seconded and carried. 

II. Carbon County Chapter asked that the State Society assist 
with the preservation of what is left of old Fort Steele. This was 
also referred to the 1964 projects committee. It was pointed out 
that this would probably need to be acquired by legislative action. 

III. A six-section program proposed by the Albany County 
chapter pertaining to special awards to be developed by the Society 
to encourage writing and publication of Wyoming history in 
Wyoming was presented. 

1. SENIOR HISTORIAN AWARD - High School Level 

JUNIOR HISTORIAN AWARD - Junior High School Level 

Two awards would be given in this category for the best article 
on Wyoming History submitted by a student in each division. The 
article must be well written, accurate, and on a subject which will 
be a contribution to the knowledge of Wyoming history (new 


material - new facts). Pictures should accompany the paper if 

Articles will be submitted through the organization of the Wyo- 
ming Council for the Social Studies, a new organization with Social 
Studies teacher membership throughout Wyoming. This organ- 
ization shall choose from among the entries five ( 5 ) manuscripts 
which in turn will be submitted with their recommendations, for 
placing, to a committee of the Society appointed by the President 
and not delegating these extra duties to the regular awards com- 
mittee. The Committee of the Society will have the final decision. 

Award: The papers winning first place can be recommended for 
publication in the Annals of Wyoming. Copies of all 
papers will be preserved at Executive Headquarters of 
the State Society. 

1st place: $25.00 and possible publication in the Annals 

of Wyoming 
2nd place: $10.00 
3rd place: Award of a book on Wyoming or Western 


Mr. Henry Jones moved that section 1 be adopted. The motion 
was seconded and carried. 


This can be an occasional award to the teacher who has made 
the most significant contribution to Wyoming History during the 

Chosen by Committee from the Wyoming Council for the Social 
Studies working with the Department of Education and the State 
Historical Society Officers. 

Award: A special, attractive certificate which can be framed. 

All awards should be presented at the Annual Meeting of the 
Society. Many persons who are interested in Wyoming and the 
preservation of its history, could make a real contribution by set- 
ting up an award as a private donor (to be administered by the 
Society). The donor could specify the name of the award (his or 
her own or someone they wished to honor), designate the rules 
for the award, and what the award should be. 

Awards on a statewide basis to encourage interest among the 
youth of Wyoming are very desirable. No. 1 , above, could be 
given by the Society at first and then developed into such special 
awards by private individuals as just suggested. 

The motion was made, seconded and carried that Section 2 be 



Made to an individual who has voluntarily contributed in a most 
significant manner to the preservation of a portion of the history 
of one of Wyoming's historic trails. This can be through preserva- 
tion of a site, writing, mapping, or any other acceptable means. 

Award: Special attractive Certificate. Made occasionally only, if 
nothing outstanding is known during a year. 

Committee: Chosen, when some one will qualify, by a committee 
composed of officers of the State Society and Past Presi- 
dents of the State Society. 

The motion was made, seconded and carried that Section 3 be 

4. SCHOLARSHIP PROGRAM (County History) 

Maintain the Scholarship (previously approved by the State 
Historical Society) at the University of Wyoming. This Scholar- 
ship is as follows: A $500.00 grant for a graduate student who will 
write a history of a Wyoming County which is acceptable to the 
Department of History. At the acceptance of the fellowship 
$200.00 will be given to the student. The remaining $300 will be 
given when the thesis is completed and has been accepted. 

be given to a qualified person not attending the University of Wyo- 
ming who will write a history of a county. The applicant must 
present to the Chairman of the Scholarship Program the topic and 
an outline of the plans for the county history. The award will be 
made in the same manner as the scholarship above, $200.00 at the 
beginning of the project and $300.00 when the manuscript has 
been accepted by the Scholarship Committee. 

Only one $500.00 award will be given each year, either at the 
University or to an individual outside of the University. 

The motion was made, seconded and carried that Section 4 be 

5. GRANT IN AID PROGRAM (Topic of Local Wyoming 
History ) 

The Wyoming State Historical Society offers one grant-in-aid 
annually to a Wyoming citizen, limited to $300.00. The grant 
will be awarded to defray research expenses. 

Purpose of this grant is to encourage the study, writing and 
interpretation of some phase or topic of local history. The appli- 
cant must submit to the Committee designated below the topic 
and an outline of the proposed work. At the conclusion of the 
project, two (2) copies of the work must be deposited with the 
State Historical Society. 


Completion of a manuscript on a grant-in-aid does not neces- 
sarily insure publication of the manuscript by the Society under 
the proposed publications program, but all manuscripts resulting 
from such grants-in-aid may be considered for publication. Au- 
thors will be given an author's contract as issued by the Society. 

The final work under a grant must be approved by the Executive 
Committee of the State Society. When an applicant has been 
approved by the committee noted below, $100.00 will be given at 
the beginning of the project and the remaining $200.00 when the 
manuscript is approved. 

A committee will be appointed by the President of the Society 
as follows: 

One member from the Department of History, University of 

One member from the English Department of the University 

or one of the Junior Colleges in Wyoming. 
One member from the Wyoming State Archives and Historical 
The motion was made, seconded and carried that Section 5 be 


The Society shall set up a Publications Fund not to exceed the 
amount of $5,000 and not to be encumbered or removed from 
savings until needed for the publications fund. 

Manuscripts resulting from grant-in-aid will be considered for 
publication, as will be manuscripts submitted by individuals who 
have not participated in the grant program. 

Titles published under this program shall be of state-wide inter- 
est on some phase of the History of Wyoming and must make a 
contribution to the written history of the State. 

Manuscripts may be presented for consideration to the Reading 
Committee for consideration. Final acceptance of a manuscript 
for publication will be made by the Executive Committee of the 
Wyoming State Historical Society on the recommendation of the 
Reading Committee, which shall be composed of members ap- 
pointed by the President as follows: 

Reading Committee: 

One member from the Department of History, University of 

One member from the State Archives and Historical Depart- 

One member from the Department of English of the Uni- 
versity or one of the Junior colleges in Wyoming. 

The President shall be empowered to set up committees as 


Editorial Committee 

Publications committee which will handle details of printing, 

proof-reading, format, etc. 

No member of the committees judging manuscripts will be 
allowed to enter his or her manuscript for consideration. 

Authors will be given a standard author's contract as issued by 
the Society. 

The publications fund will be used for the publication of accept- 
ed manuscripts. All money from sales, including profits, shall be 
returned to the publications fund, and all contract obligations will 
be met from the fund. As the program progresses this fund should 
become a revolving fund from which subsequent publication costs 
can be met. 

A discussion followed the reading of Section 6 of the proposal. 
The original proposal had stated "a publications fund in the 
amount of $5,000.00." It was moved and seconded that this be 
changed to read "a publications fund not to exceed the amount of 
$5,000.00 and not to be encumbered or removed from savings until 
needed for publications fund." Approximately half the members 
present felt that a program which entailed the spending of as much 
money as $5,000.00 should be discussed in the County chapters 
before being voted on in a state meeting. It was pointed out that 
this would become a revolving fund. However, the motion as it 
appears above was carried in a standing vote. 

Mr. Armstrong moved that every chapter study these six sugges- 
tions from the Albany County Chapter and bring their opinions to 
the next Executive Committee meeting. The motion was seconded 
and carried. 

Dr. T. A. Larson made the motion that the State Society buy 
1 00 copies of Vol. 4 of the Hunton Diaries, to be sold to chapters 
or to individuals on the same basis as earlier volumes. 

Mrs. Edness Kimball Wilkins presented a book given her by 
Cecil Harris, of Casper, on World War I Service Records of Sheri- 
dan Citizens (1917-1919) to the Sheridan Chapter. Mr. Robert 
Helvey accepted it on behalf of the Sheridan Chapter. 

Mr. Armstrong extended an invitation to the State Society to 
hold its 1 1 th Annual Meeting in Rawlins. The invitation will 
be referred to the Executive Committee for consideration. 

The meeting was adjourned at 4:15 p.m. 


On Saturday evening 356 persons attended the annual banquet 
held in the dining room of historic Sheridan Inn. After the invo- 
cation by Henry Tall Bull, Mr. Ralph Hylton, toastmaster, intro- 
duced four noted Western artists — Mr. Hans Kleiber, Mr. J. Ken- 
neth Ralston, Mr. George Ostrom and Mr. Lyle Compton. He 


also introduced four past presidents of the Wyoming State Histor- 
ical Society, Mrs. Thelma Condit, Mrs. Edness Kimball Wilkins, 
Mr. E. A. Littleton and Dr. T. A. Larson. Other special guests 
introduced at that time were Mr. Joe Popovich, president of the 
Yellowstone County Historical Society of Montana, Mr. J. Casey 
Barthelmess, director of the Montana Historical Society, Miles 
City, Montana, and Mr. and Mrs. Robert Piper from Nebraska. 
Mrs. Piper is the youngest sister of Mari Sandoz. 

A program of truly Western flavor, from original ballads to 
dances by the little "Fighting Cheyennes," had been arranged by 
Mrs. Bea Crane. 

Mrs. Charles Hord, chairman of the Awards Committee pre- 
sented the following awards: 

Historical Awards: 

Mrs. Hattie Burnstad. Historical Activities. Juvenile Divi- 
sion. For five year project in eighth grade of collecting Wash- 
akie County history. 

Hans Kleiber. Fine Arts. For poems, Songs of Wyoming 
and western etchings. 

John Dishon McDermott. Publications. Articles. For "Fort 
Laramie's Iron Bridge" and others on Wyoming history. 

Natrona County Pioneer Association. Museums. For estab- 
lishing and maintaining the Pioneer Museum in Natrona County. 

Goshen County Historical Society. Historical Activity. Lo- 
cal History. For assembling and displaying portraits of all 
Goshen County officers, 1911 to date. 

Jules Farlow. Cumulative Contribution to Wyoming History. 
For his campaign for funds to build a fireproof museum in Fre- 
mont County. 

Pacific Power and Light Company. Special Field. Business 
Firm. For series of radio programs dramatizing Wyoming 
Honorable Mention: 

Mrs. Emma Martin. For writing history of Fremont County 
Historical Society. 

Mr. Richard Frost, chairman of the Nominating Committee 
introduced the new officers: 

President Mr. Neal Miller 

First Vice President Mrs. Charles Hord 

Second Vice President Mr. Glenn Sweem 

Secretary-Treasurer Miss Maurine Carley 

Executive Secretary Miss Lola M. Homsher 

Mr. F. H. Sinclair introduced the speaker. Miss Mari Sandoz, 
who gave a very interesting talk about her childhood, and her 
father, Old Jules, who was the subject of one of her best-known 


books. Old Jules was a great storyteller, she said, and Mari was 
allowed to stay up and listen as long as she kept quiet. She 
advised her audience to listen well, for many good stories are still 
being told. She spoke of the gardens planted long ago on the 
banks of the Yellowstone by the Cheyennes, and said she would 
like to find where they had been located. Miss Sandoz challenged 
the audience to help solve this and other historical mysteries as yet 

Chief John Stands-in-Timber, historian for the Cheyenne tribe, 
on behalf of the Sheridan chapter, presented Miss Sandoz with an 
etching and a book of poems, both the works of Hans Kleiber. 


After a buffet breakfast the group gathered promptly at 8 
o'clock in front of the Sheridan Inn. Mr. Glenn Sweem led a 
caravan of 25 cars on a trek covering the historic battlefields of 
Crook, Custer, Reno and Connor. Henry Tall Bull, John Stands- 
in-Timber and Gregg Penson, Decker rancher, were the narrators 
at some of these stops, and at Custer National Battlefield Monu- 
ment Thomas K. Garry, superintendent, and James Petty, histor- 
ian, led a tour and gave lectures. 

Picnics were enjoyed on the lawn at the Custer Battlefield. The 
Sheridan Chapter had thoughtfully surprised the trekkers with 
large containers of ice cold punch and hot coffee. This was appre- 
ciated by those who had traveled over dusty roads for several 

Maurine Carley 

Tenth Anniversary of the Society 

The tenth Annual Meeting of the Wyoming State Historical 
Society marks a milestone for the Society, and it does not seem 
amiss at this time to spend a few minutes reviewing the past ten 
years as a prelude, perhaps, to any discussion as to what should 
constitute the goals of the Society during the coming 10 years. 

The Wyoming State Historical Society was founded on October 
18, 1953, at an organization meeting called at the direction of the 
Wyoming State Library, Archives and Historical Board, acting 
under the authority of Chapter 143 of the Session Laws of Wyo- 
ming, 1953. Under this act the Director of the State Archives 
and Historical Department, along with many other duties, is 
charged with promoting the founding and development of a State 
historical society and of county historical chapters. 

Under this authority a call was issued in September, 1953 for 
the meeting on October 1 8, which was held in Casper, Wyoming. 
Mr. Fred Marble, chairman of the State Library, Archives and 


Historical Board, presided at this meeting which was attended by 
approximately 80 persons from all parts of the Stats. Some of you 
here today were among the founders and charter members of the 
Society. At that time a constitution was adopted and memberships 
were received. 

It was understood by the Archives and Historical Board that a 
volunteer society could not be too effective or possibly even sur- 
vive without being subsidized, and it was agreed that a number of 
functions would be carried on by the Archives and Historical 
Department which is Executive Headquarters of the Society. 
Among these functions are all routine business of maintaining 
membership listings, all of the mailing out of notices and publi- 
cations and other necessary business routines which are so time 
consuming. It is estimated that the full time of one and one-half 
staff members in the Department is occupied with duties relating 
to the State Historical Society. 

Another duty of the Archives and Historical Department under 
this law is ,v to collect, compile and publish data of the events which 
mark the progress of Wyoming from its earliest day to the present 
time, through the medium of a State historical periodical, to be 
published as and when the Board shall direct. " 

This specifically refers to the Annals of Wyoming, and since 
communication is so important to the function of an historical so- 
ciety, the Department offered the Annals of Wyoming to serve as 
the official publication of the Society thereby offering to the Society 
a medium for publication of the minutes of the annual meetings, the 
message of the president, and taking under consideration manu- 
scripts on Wyoming history submitted by members of the Society 
as well as by other authors. Certain activities, such as the historic 
trail treks which have been sponsored by the Society and under- 
written financially by the Department, have been submitted as 
reports and have been published. 

The Department realized that one further step must be taken 
for closer cooperation and communication, and with the authority 
of the State Library, Archives and Historical Board, immediately 
began the publication of History News, a newssheet received by all 
members of the Society of what is going on in the state historically, 
to bring to their attention matters which need support, and to 
inform them about the work of their Archives and Historical 
Department since, through the activities of the Department, the 
society and its chapters are fulfilling a part of their purposes. 
The purposes of the two are in reality identical by law and consti- 
tution. I would like to call attention to the membership that more 
effective use of the newssheet can be made if the Department is 
kept better informed of the various activities over the State in the 
historical field. 

This brief background is to make you better acquainted with the 
close relationship of the Wyoming State Historical Society and of 


the Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department, and the 
close working relationship has been gratifying to me and my staff 
over the past ten years, although I must admit that at times the 
load of work has been extremely heavy. 

Referring once again to the organization of the Society, its 
growth has evidenced the great and growing interest in Wyoming 
history among its citizens and among people through the United 
States and Europe, for we have many members from outside 
Wyoming. At present out of state members number over 160. 

To best understand our history it is important that we know it 
from its grass roots, so to speak, for without an understanding of 
the local we cannot understand the state and national. This is one 
reason why our county chapters are so very important. 

County chapters began organizing almost immediately following 
the organization meeting on October 18. First to meet and organ- 
ize were the members in Fremont County who met November 8, 
1953. Closely following them were Campbell County on Decem- 
ber 4 and Goshen County on December 1 1 . 

In 1954 the following chapters were chartered: Laramie, Al- 
bany, Natrona and Carbon. The remaining chapters, which now 
total 16, received their charters as follows: 1955, Johnson and 
Washakie; 1956, Park and Sweetwater; 1957, Uinta; 1960 Sheri- 
dan and Weston; and 1961 Platte and Big Horn. 

From the beginning the Wyoming State Historical Society and 
the county chapters have made their influences felt very strongly 
in the state. Many of the projects undertaken have not been those 
which have been costly to the Society but have nevertheless had 
far-reaching effects. Our fiscal policy was set by the first president 
of the Society, Frank L. Bowron of Casper. In his president's 
message published in the Annals of Wyoming in July 1954, he 
made the following statement: 

"At its initial meeting last January, the Executive Committee 
decided to set up a permanent fund to be composed of life mem- 
berships, contributions and such monies as from time to time 
might be transferred from the general fund. This fund is to be 
invested and only the interest and dividends derived from such 
investment will be expended. In short, this permanent fund will 
comprise the capital of our Society. This fund is already in excess 
of $1,000.00. Adoption of this policy on the one hand means that 
your state society is going to be unable to undertake any large 
scale expenditures for a number of years. On the other hand, it 
is our opinion that by using this conservative money policy from 
the very beginning, we can insure a sound and solid future for our 

With this review, perhaps the report of the Treasurer can be 
more thoroughly considered. 

In reviewing the minutes of the past ten years, the following list 
of accomplishments has been compiled. Although it is not a 


complete listing, it does give some idea as to the variety of activities 
in which the Society has participated: 

Scholarship: two have been awarded and two theses have re- 
sulted, on Big Horn and Laramie counties. 

Sign program. A total of 38 have been erected under our 
cooperative program in which the Department supplies and pays 
for signs for which counties have chosen sites, written legends, 
had erected and dedicated. 

Archaeology: Legislation has twice been turned down by the 
legislature, but work is continuing on this phase of our program. 
Wiggins Peak petrified forest area has been protected, and through 
the Society's publicizing the need for care of our archaeological 
heritage, people have been made aware of this need. 

Publications: The Society reprinted and sold 2000 copies of 
The Story Behind Colter's Hell, and purchased a number of 
Hunton Diaries to enable Mr. Flannery to continue his publication 
of this series more quickly. 

Cooperation and leadership in determining that Esther Morris 
be chosen to represent Wyoming in Statuary Hall in Washington; 
adoption of the 50th Anniversary of Devil's Tower stamp; adop- 
tion by the legislature in 1^55 of the state motto and state song; 
worked with the Pony Express Centennial to make it a success; 
mapping of the historic trails of Wyoming. 

A special project was the making available for lending to schools 
and organizations colored slide sets on the Oregon Trail and Din- 
woody Indian Petroglyphs, the film on All American Indian Days 
was made but the pro'ect has not been completed. 

This list in itself is impressive, but it tells only a part of the story. 
As a result of the founding of the Wyoming State Historical Society 
and its chapters the people of Wyoming have become more aware 
of their magnificent heritage and more people are doing something 
about it. True, in some instances there is more talk than accom- 
plishments, but, in reviewing the reports over the years of the 
various county chapters, all the accomplishments of these societies 
should be listed in accompaniment with those of the State Society, 
and that listing is even more impressive. 

To summarize briefly, the Wyoming State Historical Society, 
although young, has a record of which we can be extremely proud. 
Much has been accomplished during the past 10 years, but, in the 
language of today, we haven't gotten off the launching pad as yet. 
As a Society and a Department we have merely scratched the sur- 
face of what needs to be done in Wyoming. Rather than go into 
orbit on some things, I believe that if we keep our feet on the 
ground, make plans for our efforts and our money which will have 
lasting effects upon the preservation of our heritage, that a report 
in another ten years will indicate that we really have launched our 

Lola M. Homsher 

ftook Keviews 

The Battle of Platte Bridge. By J. W. Vaughn. (Norman, The 
University of Oklahoma Press. 1963. Illus., Index. 132 
pp. $3.95.) 

This is the factual story of an almost unknown battle, fought 
near the present site of Casper, Wyoming, in July 1865. It would 
rank, as battles go, as practically a skirmish, in which members of 
the Eleventh Kansas Cavalry, and the Eleventh Ohio Cavalry, 
along with a few "galvanized" troops, endeavored, unsuccessfully, 
to rescue a small army wagon train. Among those killed here was 
Lieutenant Caspar Collins, a young officer from Ohio, from whom 
the thriving city of Casper gets its name, although the spelling was 

Platte Bridge Station, later called Ft. Caspar, was named for the 
bridge over the Platte, built by Louis Guinard in 1857-58, near 
the old Mormon Ferry. It was an important place on the Oregon 
Trail, and was a camping place often used by immigrants. The 
post was occupied by troops from 1862 to 1867 when it was 
abandoned and later burned by Indians. 

Following the massacre of Cheyenne Indians at Sand Creek, 
the Cheyennes "carried the war pipe" to the Sioux and their allies, 
the Arapahoes, sparking a conflagration all along the Oregon Trail 
and continuing throughout Wyoming and Montana, for many 
years, costing a loss of many white and Indian lives, and millions 
of dollars. The administration, then controlling affairs in Wash- 
ington, was concerned largely with the problems of the Civil War, 
and its aftermath, and reflected the prevailing sentiment of expan- 
sion and conquest, caused by the urge of immigrants to travel 
westward in search of new homes, or impelled by the gold fever. 
Treaties and agreements with the Indians were made with little 
concern whether they were carried out or not. The Indian Bureau 
was peopled with politically minded men, and the army officered 
by men who had no understanding of the Indian, whom they held 
in contempt. They were seeking promotions and their policy was 
extermination, although they had no knowledge of plains warfare. 

The book outlines the situation existing, and covers in detail the 
travails and hardships of frontier army posts, undermanned and 
inadequately equipped. The author has done a very fine stint of 
research and has fully documented his statements. He has fol- 
lowed the pattern set up by him in two previous books, With 
Crook on the Rosebud and The Reynolds Campaign on Powder 
River. The 10th chapter gives in detail the story of research, in 
which the author was assisted by the late L. C. Bishop, who during 


his lifetime was noted for his historic investigation. They discov- 
ered, by means of a metal detector, the actual locales of several 
battles. The author, rightfully, dedicated the book to Bishop. 

The work is of no little current interest. Late in 1963 the 
Indian Court of Claims awarded the Southern Arapahoes and 
Southern Cheyennes of Oklahoma, the Northern Cheyennes and 
Northern Arapahoes, who are now in Wyoming and Montana, 
respectively, $23,500,000 in a final payment for 51,210.000 acres 
of land owned jointly by the tribes, according to the treaty of 1851, 
after certain offsets. This amount, plus other costs, show that the 
white man is still paying for mistaken policies and bad judgment 
of the past century. 

The work is interestingly written, and the typography is very 
fine, making for easy reading. It is nicely illustrated with 17 pic- 
tures. There is an ample bibliography and index. It is recom- 
mended as a permanent addition to the library of historians, pro- 
fessional and amateur. 

Sheridan F. H. Sinclair 

Cattle Raising on the Plains 1900-1961 . By John T. Schlebecker. 
(Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1963. Illus., index. 
241 pp. $6.00) 

Few aspects of western American history have received as much 
attention as the cattle industry. To date the emphasis has been 
upon the dramatic developments of the post-Civil War era: the 
long drives from Texas to the northern plains; the growth of cow 
towns at railroad termini in Abilene, Dodge City, and Ogallala; 
the cowboy's free life on the open range; the organization of power- 
ful cattlemen's associations; and the role of investment capital in 
building huge landed estates. All these phases of the cattle indus- 
try, and countless more that occurred in the nineteenth century, 
are well known. Professor Schlebecker's book represents a new 
departure in the study of the cattle industry because he is con- 
cerned with the post-romantic period of the twentieth century. 
Perhaps the first important point made in his book is that the 
old-style open range cattle industry did not die all at once but 
gradually evolved into a different type of business. The railroads 
were a significant factor. They brought settlers to farm crops on 
the Great Plains whose experience led to misery and disaster. 
Without realizing it, the railroads inadvertently convinced both 
cattlemen and farmers that the land could be used more advan- 
tageously for ranch farming than for either herding or crop 

The narrative is arranged chronologically. In the first six years 
of the twentieth century, meat packing and consumer demand 


forced cattlemen to produce a higher-quality beef on fewer acres. 
Most cattlemen started raising supplemental feed, particularly on 
the northern Plains, but the chief reliance was still on range grass. 
Between 1906-1910, ranch farming got started, Brahman cattle 
appeared, and the federal government became interested in range 
management through the Forest Service. World War I revitalized 
the cattle industry, but the ranchers had to compete with wheat 
farmers for profits and federal supervision was accelerated, as is 
always the case in war years. In the post-war depression, both 
cattle prices and per capita consumption of beef declined. There 
were additional problems with drouth, grasshoppers, prairie dogs, 
and diseases to plague the life of the rancher. Many cattlemen and 
the bankers who had backed them failed in business so they turned 
to the federal government for aid in the early 1920's. Between 
1926 and 1928 prices rose so high that the cattle interests were 
unconcerned about the continuing decline in consumption. Taking 
advantage of these good prices, they culled their herds and raised 
the quality of their stock. They moved toward more intensive 
beef production by improving feeding and breeding operations and 
following accepted range management practices. Ranch life 
changed perceptibly as the cattlemen and their families took on 
city ways. Then came the Great Depression. 

Like everyone else, cattlemen were bewildered as prices and 
consumption fell drastically and loans were impossible to obtain. 
As drouth struck and the dust bowl developed, cattlemen decreased 
the size of their herds and increased the size of their ranges but to 
no avail. They were forced to have help from the federal govern- 
ment and the price they had to pay once again was regulation. 
On the bright side, the 1930's brought a transportation revolution, 
the use of trucks as a more flexible and economical means of 
handling cattle. World War II brought with it price controls and 
rationing that were accepted in good humor because of the accom- 
panying prosperity. In recent decades the most important changes 
in the industry have been associated with the revolution in the food 
processing and marketing, and with the impact of biochemistry 
through experimentation with antibiotics, hormones, systemic poi- 
sons, and herbicides. 

Enough has been said to indicate that this is a story of the ways 
and means whereby science and technology, governmental controls, 
consumer demands, business cycles, and nature were to affect the 
production of beef for the national and international market. The 
analysis is largely confined to the economic and business interests 
of cattlemen. Little attention is given to their political action and 
no attempt has been made to deal with their social and cultural 
concerns. It is a story without any heroes. When all has been 
said, Professor Schlebecker leaves the impression that he considers 
the cattle interests self-centered, unreasonable, and guilty of mis- 
representation. For example, he suggests that ranchers have built 


a legend about their fierce independence, their unwillingness to 
seek or receive help, particularly from the government. He seems 
surprised that the public is not offended by their guile and conceit. 
Like everyone in twentieth century America, he concludes, they 
continually sought help from the government and got it. The 
cattlemen just showed less appreciation, resented regimentation, 
and tried to leave the impression they were the last of the rugged 

The book is clearly written and well organized with helpful 
chapter summaries. There is an abundance of statistics about 
prices, production, and consumption that crop up with regularity, 
but no doubt out of necessity. The author has written most of his 
volume with scholarly restraint, but readers will be startled per- 
iodically by outspoken value judgments, usually reflecting the 
author's hostility to the cattlemen, that seem either unjustified or 
irrelevant on the basis of the evidence he has just presented. Al- 
though readers may not quarrel with the author's opinions, many 
would have appreciated more evidence to sustain some of the barbs 
he releases in almost every chapter. The notes and bibliography 
indicate that Professor Schlebecker has been engaged in extensive 
and exhaustive research in writing this volume. The book is a 
pioneering work that has laid the foundation for the study of 
future historians who will discover in its pages many suggestive 
themes for elaboration and analysis. Meanwhile, scholars inter- 
ested in the economic history of the American West in the twen- 
tieth century are indebted to Professor Schlebecker for shedding a 
spotlight on one of its vital phases, that of the cattle industry. 

University of California, Davis W. Turrentine Jackson 

Songs of Wyoming. By Hans Kleiber. (Sheridan, Wyoming The 
Mills Company, 1963. Illus., index. 114 pp. $4.50.) 

These songs of Wyoming are Hans Kleiber's poems of strong 
contrasts with deep and "abiding love for whatever the out-of- 
doors with its forests and mountains had to offer mankind. " They 
are songs of memory, "each one telling a story or a graphic de- 
scription of incidents, personal reactions, straying thoughts, or 
states of heart and mind impossible to render in a more telling and 
simple way." 

Hans Kleiber has many talents. His etchings of wild life and 
Wyoming scenes, as well as his water colors, have given pleasure 
to countless admirers. One day as I was passing Gump's distinc- 
tive art store in San Francisco, I saw an entire window display of 
etchings. 1 stopped to look with a feeling of knowing them. They 


had to be Hans Kleiner's. They were! This book of poems is 
the complement to his career in pictorial arts, forestry and con- 

The selection for the book cover of the pen and ink drawing of 
North Piney Creek in the Big Horn Mountains gives added 

Songs of the Bighorns, Wind River Memories, Reflections and 
Early Lyrics extend invitations to you to keep this book within 
easy reach. You will be rewarded with the gaiety, the fine touch 
of description and tenderness of the lines of exquisite words. 

Chexenne Louise Stimson Hallowell 

Soldier and Brave. The National Survey of Historic Sites and 
Buildings, National Park Service, U. S. Department of the 
Interior. Introduction by Ray Allen Billington. (New York, 
Harper & Row. 1963. Illus., index. 279 pp. $6.50) 

The first in a series of sixteen volumes by the National Park 
Service, this is a valuable reference for travelers as well as guide 
while reading other sources of western history. The area covered 
in this book is the United States west of the Mississippi; the time 
1800 to 1890. 

This, as indicated, is a survey to evaluate the places of impor- 
tance in United States history and prehistory. It is in very readable 
and coherent form, prepared and written by historians and arche- 
ologists of the Park Service after comprehensive field work and 
consultation with experts. 

Part I of the book is a narrative history of the time period cov- 
ered. Part II describes under four categories the historic sites. 
"Sites In the National Park System" are identified by location, 
address, and a history of the location. Under this category Wyo- 
ming has one. Fort Laramie. "Sites Eligible for the Registry of 
National Historic Landmarks" have met the criteria of "excep- 
tional value" and Wyoming has one: Fort Phil Kearny and 
related sites. This section identifies each site by location, owner- 
ship and historic significance. "Other Sites Considered" are 
identified by location and a brief history. In this category Wyo- 
ming has six listings. "Sites Also Noted" is a listing by name only 
and here Wyoming has two historic sites. 

Of interest is an eight item listing of the criteria used in selecting 
historic sites of "exceptional value" - the guide lines in determining 
which are acceptable for the second category above. 

There are nine uncluttered maps, each on a separate theme such 
as forts and battlefields of the Plains Wars, The Sioux Wars, The 


Southwest and in addition a line map of "The Western Indian 
Reservations of 1890." With the maps and 232 illustrations and 
photographs, most of the time period covered, the reader can 
obtain a comprehensive view of much western history. You will 
find this a useful addition to your library. 

Rawlins Neal E. Miller 

Old Forts of the Northwest. By Herbert M. Hart. (Seattle, Su- 
perior Publishing Co., 1963. Illus., index 192 pp. $12.50) 

The technique of presenting a subject pictorially, with compara- 
tively little text, is utilized very effectively in this attractive and 
most interesting book. The collection of pictures is superb, and 
the text is concise and comprehensive. 

Major Hart covers some seventy forts active during the 1850- 
1 890 period. Geographically, his range is from Minnesota through 
Wyoming and the other Great Plains states, and on to Washington, 
Oregon and California. 

The forts are grouped under headings that stir the imagination — 
Headquarters Forts, Guardians of the Rivers, Guardians of the 
Rails. Guardians of the Trails, The Bloody Bozeman, The Peace- 
keepers, The Protectors, to name a few. Only Fort Laramie is not 
classified in a group, but stands alone as The Queen. 

The stories of the individual forts are presented with several 
pictures, about evenly divided between present-day scenes, and old 
ones from the files of the National Archives and other historical 
agencies: a few brief paragraphs on their history, and where perti- 
nent, a description of the current utilization of the buildings and 
property. With each description is a small plat of the fort as it 
was originally laid out, and directions for reaching it by today's 

In many cases the only vestiges are a few mounds or foundation 
stones to show where a fort once was. Some, such as Fort Lara- 
mie, are being restored and preserved and a few, such as old Fort 
Russell, now Warren Air Force Base, continue as active military 

Perhaps more than any other, the photograph of Fort Caspar, 
shown in color on the book's jacket, seems to sharpen the reader's 
realization that for the most part the old forts are today little more 
than empty museum pieces. The American flag, stretched out 
in a breeze, flies in lonely dignity over the few buildings that are 
shown around the parade ground. The log structures are neatly 
restored, the grounds uncluttered, but the blank doors and win- 
dows and the complete lack of activity tell unmistakably that the 


purpose of the old post has been fulfilled and the life and vigor 
of an earlier era is finished. 

There are a few discrepancies in spelling and minor details of 
history, not in agreement with the versions accepted by most 
authoritative sources. The author offers apology and explanation 
for most of these in his foreword. But they do not detract from 
the appeal of the book or the real enjoyment of reading it. 

Old Forts of the Northwest is announced as the first in a series 
on western forts, and it is to be hoped that following volumes will 
not be long in appearing. 

Cheyenne Katherine Halverson 

Indians as the Westerners Saw Them. By Ralph W. Andrews. 
( Seattle, Superior Publishing Co., 1963. Illus., index 176 pp. 


In his foreword the author states that he presents here "a few 
accounts of people who saw, felt, heard and no doubt smelled the 
Indians whose lands they had invaded and usurped, whose lives 
they had disturbed and ruined. A hundred years and more after 
the settling of the northern plains these pioneer accounts lend 
authentic color and value to the tribesmen. In telling us of their 
experiences they utter far more truth about the Indians than we 
can ever find in professionally written material." 

Mr. Andrews has divided his book into seventeen chapters, 
each of which is a reprint from printed or manuscript sources by 
other authors. Three chapters have been taken from articles pub- 
lished in the Annals of Wyoming: "To Take a Scalp 1 ' by Everett 
L. Ellis, and two excerpts from "Incidents in the Life of Norris 
Griggs 1 ' by Mrs. Helen Sargent. 

Between chapters the author has inserted short items on Indian 
incidents and Indian biographies. 

The author illustrates the book with a great number of fine 
photographs he has collected from numerous museums, historical 
societies, historical departments, universities and the Smithsonian 
Institution. These portray Indian life and include pictures of a 
number of prominent chiefs such as Two Moons, Man Afraid of 
His Horses, Chief Gall and Red Cloud, as well as numerous lesser 
known Indians. 

Mr. Andrews intends for this book, through its fine illustrations 
and selected articles, to whet the interest of the reader, and at the 
end of the book he has a selected list of books pertaining to the 
northern plains tribes which he suggests for further reading. 

Cheyenne Loretta Curtin 


Tales of the Seeds-Ke-Dee. Sublette County Artists' Guild. ( Den- 
ver, Big Horn Mountain Press, 1963. 386 pp. $8.50) 

This collection of prose, poetry and pictures is a delightful 
means of getting to know the rugged people who were the early 
pioneers in a rich, unbroken land. The beautiful Green River 
country is the setting, and records have been gathered from rela- 
tives and friends, diaries and letters of the first settlers there. 
Stories of courage, hardship, endurance and determination fill the 
reader with wonder and admiration for these daring people. 

Living great distances from towns, other settlers, doctors or 
ministers, they had to face their troubles and sorrows alone. They 
nursed their sick, buried their dead, delivered their babies. One 
trip a year for provisions usually took days of tortuous traveling. 
There were no roads or bridges. Blizzards in the winter, swollen 
streams in the spring, took heavy toll of live stock and sometimes 
human life. It was months between letters from home or a visit 
with friends. But they had come with a vision of a new life, and 
they loved this magnificent country with its mountains and valleys 
and pure air. 

Families worked together to build their homes and develop the 
new land. Children helped their parents in every way possible. 
This was a necessity. And when the work was done, they played 
together. Times were often hard, but homes were happy. Grad- 
ually there were more settlers. There were neighbors, towns, post 
offices, doctors, ministers and teachers — even wonderful parties 
where they could visit for hours, eat together and dance until dawn. 
It was a good life! 

One feels a debt of gratitude to the members of the Sublette 
County Artists' Guild which has labored to collect and publish 
these amazing experiences of those who first came to the land of 
the Seeds-Ke-Dee. 

Cheyenne Marjorie W. Holcomb 

Jireh College-Stirred Embers of the Past. By Maxine Colonna in 
collaboration with Ruth Ford Atkinson. (The Valliant Co., 
1963. Thus., index. 140 pp.) 

Located about sixteen miles west of Lusk, in what is now Nio- 
brara County. Wyoming, Jireh College, the first and only denom- 
inational college to be established in the state, existed with varying 
degrees of success for a ten year period, 1910-1920. Being mainly 
a college preparatory school (high school) and a two year junior 


coilege curriculum, it sought to serve the sparsely settled, newly- 
opened homestead lands of eastern Wyoming with a higher educa- 
tional opportunity. 

From the history of the establishing of the College by Reverend 
George Dalzell, deposited with other papers under the corner stone 
laid in 1909 and retrieved in 1925 when the College building was 
dismantled, it is quoted he "got up one night after a spell of sleep- 
lessness, and wrote a plan" envisioning not only a Christian college, 
but a Christian community of homesteaders, leaders, friends, who 
would be in sympathy with it. Thus many of the settlers in the 
new land were persuaded from their homes in the middle eastern 
states by contact through the Christian Church, one being Daniel 
B. Atkinson, D.D., who became the mainstay of the project when 
Reverend Dalzell lost interest in a few years and moved from the 

"Stirred Embers' 1 , an apt expression, originated when some 
years ago, Ruth Ford Atkinson, widow of the former president of 
the College, revisited the ghost townsite and sat on the deserted 
cement steps of the College building. Her thoughts dwelt on her 
homestead days, her husband, their bright hopes and dreams of 
years ago, the students, joys in the community, the great burdens, 
the lost hopes. Not all were lost — what had been accomplished 
could never be taken away; the spirit of the relationship of the 
community and the college; the encouragement to students. Some 
went on to notable achievements — Albert Day, Director, Fish and 
Wildlife, Department of the Interior, Edward Pendray, a founder 
of American Rocket Society, Lyle Powell, distinguished in medical 
and military careers, to name a few. So "the embers of memory 
burned a little brighter." 

No doubt the "embers of memory" burned brighter for many, 
as over a four year period, Maxine Townsend Colonna gathered 
information from many former students and teachers, wrote letters, 
collected photos, compiled information. For each and every one 
memories were sharpened, and pleasant was the recollection. 

Maxine Towsend arrived with her family at Jireh, a teen-aged 
girl from Ohio, to meet her father who came to the new land 
to homestead. Having begun a music education, she continued at 
Jireh College, and "astride her steed", in summer rode to various 
homesteads to give music lessons. Moving to the vicinity of Wash- 
ington, D. C, in 1918, she continued to advance her musical 
accomplishments, and entered governmental service, being in sev- 
eral departments and commissions, and authoring several technical 
reports. Then after thirty-six years in the east, Mrs. Colonna 
returned to the University of Wyoming and spent some time on the 
Wind River Indian Reservation gathering material for her long- 
range project "The Arapahoe Indian." 

In 1951, while on a trip to Lusk, Mrs. Colonna visited the old 


homestead, the vacant townsite, the lonesome steps and College 
foundation, and an old timer or two, and no doubt the seeds of this 
study and recollections of Jireh College and Jireh Community were 
born. Although limited in scope and reader appeal, the book has 
faithfully and sympathetically recalled a portion of the history of 
Wyoming. Being interwoven of recorded data, recollections, 
memories and nostalgia, "Jireh College" traces the origin of a 
dream, the growth of a plan, a community, and in its brief bio- 
graphical sketches of students, faculty, activities and community 
members, Jireh lives today. 

Lusk G. L. Pfeifer 

The Overland Limited. By Lucius Beebe. ( Berkeley, Hovvell- 
North Books, 1963. Illus., index. 157 pp. $5.95.) 

The Overland Limited is another fine pictorial history on rail- 
roads. The Wyoming railway buff can become excited over this 
book since it deals with one of the famous trains of the Union 
Pacific Railroad which was familiar to most Wyomingites. 

A great number of the fine photographs which appear in this 
book are from the files of the Wyoming State Archives and His- 
torical Department, a part of the Stimson Collection of negatives. 
Mr. Stimson was, for a number of years, the official photographer 
for the Union Pacific Railroad, and his original negative collection 
was acquired by the Department some years ago. The pictures 
were carefully chosen by Mr. Beebe on a personal visit to the 
Department and through much correspondence. 

For three-quarters of a century, first as the Overland Flyer and 
later as the Overland Limited, this was one of America's most 
famous trains. It made its last run as a daily train on July 16, 
1962, when its suspension was authorized by the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission. 

While the Overland was only one of a number of de luxe trains 
in the United States, Mr. Beebe makes it clear that he feels it was 
one of the most glamorous because of its historical association, 
both because of its name and the West which it crossed. 

In his narrative which accompanies the pictures, Mr. Beebe re- 
lates some of the history of the train and presents a number of 
anecdotes about famous personalities who rode it. The book is in 
a moderate price range, which should make it even more attractive 
since similar pictorial publication prices have skyrocketed. 

Cheyenne Henryetta Berry 


Backwoods Railroads of the West, A Portfolio. By Richard Stein- 
heimer. (Milwaukee, Kalmbach Publishing Co. 1963. In- 
dex. 177 pp. $20.00.) 

In this book Mr. Steinheimer amplifies his reputation as an out- 
standing railroad photographer, and he presents a 177-page com- 
pilation of 203 fine, artistic photographs. He deals not with the 
main transcontinental roads but with the many short lines which 
have helped to tame the West and develop its natural resources. 

Mr. Steinheimer uses his camera as an author uses words to tell 
a picture story of the narrow gauge railroads, electric lines, mining 
roads, short lines, branch lines and lumber haulers. If there is 
any criticism of the book, some might be made of the captions 
which are sometimes a bit vague. Three pictures are of Wyoming 
scenes taken at Yoder, Lusk and Cheyenne. 

Lucius Beebe in his recent book The Central Pacific and South- 
ern Pacific Railroads used 1 2 1 photographs by Richard Stein- 
heimer and shared credit with him on the title page, paying tribute 
to his artistry. 

This volume combines expert photography with excellent lay- 
outs and fine reproductions by sheet-fed gravure. The fine work 
makes the volume expensive, but railroad buffs will appreciate 
adding the book to their libraries. 

Cheyenne Lola M. Homsher 

Diesels West! By David P. Morgan. (Milwaukee, Kalmbach 
Publishing Co., 1963. Illus. 164 pp. $9.75) 

David Morgan, editor of Trains Magazine, is definitely qualified 
to author a railroad book. With Morgan's writing talent and fac- 
tual information from Burlington files, Diesels West! is a story of 
the development of motive power on a famous midwestern railroad. 
The book contains ten chapters with only the first chapter being 
devoted to the steam engine. Although the title clearly states that 
the book is devoted to diesel power, the reader is rushed through 
the many types of Burlington steam engines in a matter of nineteen 

Chapter I begins with the locomotive Pioneer, of Chicago and 
North Western fame, and progresses through the steamers to the 
last class of steam engines built for the Burlington, the 0-5 class 
4-8-4 Northerns. Interesting historical facts on the performance 
of some of these steamers are expertly inserted to give a smooth 
review of the Burlington's steam years. The Burlington's two 
excursion steamers, the #4960 and the #5632 are mentioned. 

Chapter II begins the diesel age for the Burlington. The gas- 


electrics, or more affectionately, the doodlebugs, rate nearly the 
entire chapter. The fine descriptions of these railroad oddities 
makes one long to see these one-unit passenger trains trundling 
along our remaining branch lines. Readers who had the pleasure 
of growing up in a community served by a railroad's gas-electrics 
will thoroughly enjoy the chapter. 

Morgan relates the story of the Burlington's plunge into the 
zephyr age. The birth, building and operation of the famous Pio- 
neer Zephyr are traced. Any historian, railfan, or general reader 
will easily become absorbed in the Pioneer's famous Denver to 
Chicago run in 1934. In addition to the Pioneer Zephyr, number 
9900, her sister Zephyrs, in fine Burlington style, are also present- 
ed. Burlington's interest in progress is clearly emphasized in the 
story of their confidence in this new and revolutionary type of 
passenger train and motive power, such as the early zephyr fleet. 

The concluding chapters deal with the development of diesel 
power from the early F-Ts to the new GP-35"s. Morgan includes 
many details on the operation of the early Electro-Motive diesel, 
test unit number 103, which made history on its demonstration 
trips on twenty major railroads in 1939. This diesel revolutionized 
the railroad industry by dooming the steam engine to oblivion. 
The change was not immediate, but only twenty years later all 
major railroads were completely dieselized. Morgan also skillfully 
encompasses some valuable statistics to shed light on the contro- 
versy of steam versus diesel. 

Technological changes such as hump yards, C.T.C. and cab to 
caboose communications are discussed, besides the new improve- 
ments in passenger train equipment. 

The 162-page book contains 1 16 pictures of various sizes. The 
pictures are some of the frequently published publicity shots of 
Burlington subjects. New unpublished photographs and a com- 
plete diesel roster would add to the fine written material. In conr 
elusion, Diesels West! is still a readable, accurate and interesting 
book on a famous granger railroad. 

Tor ring ton Michael E. Varnev 

Fort Hall, Gateway to the Oregon Country. By Frank C. Robert- 
son. (New York, Hastings House. 1963. Illus., index. 
301 pp. $5.95) 

An "iceman" from Boston — Nathaniel J. Wyeth, newly turned 
adventurer — built Fort Hall on the Snake River in 1834. Then, 
to quote his own words, he "manufactured a magnificent flag from 
unbleached sheeting, a little red flannel and a few blue patches, 
saluted it with damage powder and wet it with villainous alcohol." 


Together with twelve men who manned the garrison, he now 
stood ready to welcome any of the neighboring nations he could 
induce to come in and trade. 

Not yet had his compatriots back in the States turned their eyes 
toward California and Oregon in search of gold and land. Not yet 
had even fur lured many Americans to this region. The trade 
plied by fur men from the East had reached its peak in sections 
like Wyoming but the expanding trade farther west was in the 
hands of the British companies from Canada. 

Wyeth, whose dream was to build several permanent posts for 
the Americans, showed shrewd insight in his choice of a site for 
Fort Hall. This area of 100,000 acres was called shawnt shawnip 
("plentygame") by the Indians. Fortunately the tribes who made 
their homes there were chiefly two — the Bannack and the Sho- 
shone. The common enemy of both was the nomadic Blackfoot 
nation, not the white men. Especially was this true of the Sho- 
shone tribe, which preferred to confine its warfare to self-defense. 

The exact location of old Fort Hall has remained long in ques- 
tion. At least four Idaho spots have been named, but Robertson 
contends the actual site was "twelve miles west and a little north of 
the present Fort Hall Indian Agency." 

Perhaps no man is more eminently fitted to write the Fort Hall 
story than Frank Chester Robertson, author of more than a hun- 
dred novels; best known for his autobiography, A Ram in the 
Thicket. Much of his life has been spent in the shawnt shawnip 
area and he has firsthand knowledge of the country and its people. 

Realizing this, at least one reader wonders why dozens upon 
dozens of pages in this, his latest book, cover the sub-heading, "the 
Oregon Country;" very few deal directly with the main title, "Fort 
Hall." Admittedly, the existence of this short-lived fort (1834- 
1856) depended almost entirely on the westward expansion move- 
ment. Granted, the first 160 pages, and countless others farther 
on. make for interesting reading, even though drawn chiefly from 
such familiar sources as Irving and Bancroft. Agreed, the Oregon 
narrative is enlivened by Robertson's own penetrating comments 
on the character of men such as Dr. John McLoughlin, representa- 
tive of the Hudson's Bay Company on the Columbia River, and 
Hall Jackson Kelley, crusader and founder of the American Society 
for the Settlement of Oregon. Even so, could some of this material 
be omitted without serious loss to the narrative? Could much of 
it be condensed? One wonders! 

Focus centers in the latter half of the book on the missionaries, 
the gold miners, the freighters, the cattlemen and the homesteaders 
who followed the trail which passed Fort Hall. Your interest may 
quicken, as did mine, when you read these pages. The material 
covered is less familiar to a reader from the eastern side of the 
Rockies. Figures and events flit across the author's kaleidoscope 
in a sequence that is swift and colorful. Long years of writing 


have made Frank C. Robertson master of a style that is terse, 
natural and convincing. 

Any collector of Western Americana should be pleased to add 
this treatise to his bookshelves. 

University of Wyoming Clarice Whittenburg 

Where the Old West Stayed Young. By John Roife Burroughs. 
(New York, William Morrow. 1962. Illus., index. 376 
pp. $15.00) 

This is a book where people move and get things done. In a 
style all his own, and one that reads like fiction, John R. Burroughs 
has written a big book about the big country drained by the Yampa 
in northwestern Colorado and by the Green where it flows through 
southern Wyoming into Utah, makes a loop into Colorado, and 
then flows back into Utah again. Much of the action centers in 
Brown's Park, or Brown's Hole, as it was originally known, an 
open valley on the Green where it flows from Utah into Colorado. 
A pocket that remained relatively untouched by the advance of 
civilization around it, the Park's history is traced from the first 
white visitors in 1 825 through the reign of the cattle kings to their 
decline and eventual replacement by homesteaders and sheepmen. 
In the course of this extensive work, liberally scattered with orig- 
inal photographs of the times and the people, and well documented, 
the author has painted a picture of the living West that contained 
all the thrills of a top-notch western, plus the additional excitement 
of real-life adventure in a rugged country, untamed and commer- 
cially undeveloped. 

Brown's Park, a natural winter forage ground for cattle, was also 
a natural hideout for murderers, horse and cattle thieves, and bank 
and train robbers. The country around the Hole between the 
O-Wi-Yu-Kuts Plateau and the Uinta Mountains is a maze of 
ridges, impassable canyons, cliffs and breaks criss-crossed by 
abrupt arroyos. Mexican Joe, cunning knife wielder; Judge Con- 
way, legal genius who used his knowledge to good advantage in 
crime; Ned Huddleston, Negro bandit who finally went straight; 
the paid killer Tom Horn; the Tip Gault gang, who rustled cattle 
to sell beef to the Union Pacific Railroad construction crews; and 
Butch Cassidy's "Wild Bunch", who executed some of the most 
imaginative and exact robberies of the times — all used this valley 
for their hideouts and bases of operation. 

The whole area saw the rise to prominence of powerful cattle 
barons, beginning in the 1 880's with the Hoys and Spicers, who 
were the first to run cattle year round in northwestern Colorado. 
One after another enterprising cattlemen made the land pay by 
feeding thousands of head on the rich prairie grass of the region — 


the Middlesex Land & Cattle Company; Ora Haley and his Two 
Bar outfit; George Baggs, who, for several years held a monopoly 
on the Denver meat market; William Swan and John Cudahy of 
meat-packing fame; and the Cary brothers on the Two Circle Bar, 
who surpassed even Ora Haley with a cow shed more than a mile 

As a result of the interest in cattle ranching, settlers began to 
establish permanent homes in this wild valley, still not immune to 
Indian attacks. Among these families who came were the Bas- 
setts, well educated people from the East, bringing with them an 
extensive library. Their ranch became the first "port of call" for 
travelers entering the Park. Elizabeth Bassett assumed the duties 
of doctor, nurse, and cook for the whole area, as most of the 
women had to do. Their daughter, "Queen Ann,' 1 first white child 
to be born in Northwestern Colorado, refined, schooled and trained 
in private schools, could ride herd with the best of range hands 
and did not hesitate to rustle cattle from her enemies or to marry 
to advance her own fortune. 

The book is about the range-cattle business and the people who 
ran it. John R. Burroughs, a native of Steamboat Springs, Colo- 
rado, thinks of his country as the place where the "Old West 
Stayed Young." There in microcosm events characteristic of 
earlier times in the industry occurred late: Cattlemen fought each 
other and the large and small outfits warred; there was trouble 
with rustlers and sheepmen, and homesteaders, and the Forest 
Service. The range wars, rustlers, bad men, the struggle over 
barbed wire and water rights continued on into the twentieth cen- 
tury some time after peace prevailed elsewhere. 

Burroughs likes the people who get things done, the "prime 
movers", good or bad, and his book is full of them. His writing 
keeps pace with the characters. He has illuminated the history 
of the region and has given us a real western untainted by fanciful 
and romantic stuff. The book is handsomely produced. An index 
with three columns of proper names to the page takes up twelve 

University oj Utah C. Gregory Crampton 

From Prairie to Corn Belt, Farming on the Illinois and Iowa 
prairies in the nineteenth century. By Allan G. Bogue. (Uni- 
versity of Chicago, 1963. Illus., index. 310 pp. $6.95) 

Much has been written about agriculture in Illinois and Iowa. 
In the present volume Allan Bogue, Professor of History at the 
State University of Iowa, distills this substantial literature and adds 
much from his own research. Dr. Bogue has gone through many 
county "mug" books for farming experiences. He has studied 


census returns for population movements, size of farms, and 
evolving crop patterns. He has examined diaries, letters, land 
office records, county records, periodical literature, agriculture 
college bulletins, and many unpublished theses. 

The four glaciers that moved into the Middle West did not 
cover Illinois and Iowa uniformly. They left soils of varying 
fertility which farmers learned by trial and error to use most 
effectively. The first farmers lived in the woods or at the edge of 
the woods because they needed wood for various purposes. Then 
gradually they moved out on the better soils of the prairie. Most 
of the farmers entering the Illinois-Iowa prairie came from states 
directly east, though one fourth of those in Iowa in 1 850 had been 
born in five southern states (Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, Mis- 
souri, and North Carolina). Ohio supplied Iowa with more people 
than all five of these southern states. 

Illinois and Iowa farm lands were settled mainly through cash 
sales and military bounties. Only one per cent of Illinois and 2.5 
per cent of Iowa were settled under homestead acts. 

Bogue establishes that farmers in the late 1 9th century were less 
depressed than generally has been thought. Yet no one should 
assume that because Illinois and Iowa lands are rich and valuable 
today the pioneer farmers had an easy time of it. Although most 
farmers had their troubles their land increased considerably in 
value, 1860-1890. 

Bogue reviews the history of claims clubs, which often have been 
regarded as democratic organizations to protect honest settlers 
against claim jumpers and speculators. He finds that they were 
sometimes organized to fleece latecomers. After grabbing more 
land than they could use, the original squatters made latecomers 
pay them for unoccupied lands. 

It was a rare farmer who bought a piece of land of the right size 
and stayed with it lor life. Most farmers could not resist making 
land deals and moving from time to time. 

Sod houses were rare because cheap pine lumber was readily 
available. Well-diggers normally found good water at 30 feet or 
less. Before barbed wire came in the 1 870's, fences were mainly 
worm, board, post and rail, or hedge. There were disputes as 
to whether grain farmers should fence livestock out, or livestock 
men should fence their animals in. 

Dr. Bogue discusses cattle, sheep, and hogs; feeding operations; 
improvement of breeds; interest in western properties. He in- 
cludes much detail about crops, equipment, prices, capital, labor, 
and taxes. 

This is a thoroughly researched, well organized, well written 
volume which should be the standard work in the field for a long 

University of Wyoming T. A. Larson 


Honor Thy Father. By Robert A. Roripaugh. (New York, Wil- 
liam Morrow and Company, 1963. 287 pp. $4.50.) 

Robert Roripaugh's new novel, Honor Thy Father, which re- 
cently won the coveted Western Heritage Award, ought to have a 
strong appeal for the readers of the Annals. First of all, it tells a 
good story, the setting of which is in a familiar and beautiful section 
of Wyoming (the Sweetwater valley); and, second, its ideas, the 
plot, much of the motivation, and many of the conflicts come from 
the turbulence existing among the large and small ranchers, the 
homesteaders, sheepmen, and cattle rustlers in the closing years 
of the nineteenth century, a crucial but lurid era in Wyoming 
history. It could be called an historical novel but not in the sense 
that it attempts to recreate many actual events or people (except 
the hanging of Jim Averill and Ella Watson); rather it is an 
imaginative but realistic re-creation of what might have been then, 
of what perhaps was. Mr. Roripaugh knows Wyoming's history. 

The plot involves the Tyrrells, a father and his two sons, who 
own a ranch on the banks of the Sweetwater River, and though 
there are in the novel the ingredients necessary to a book like 
this — the rivalries stemming from the love interest, trouble over 
mavericks and on roundups, a fist fight, gun fights, etc. — the ser- 
ious center of the book is in the conflicts between the Tyrrells 
themselves stemming from their varying attitudes toward the land 
and ownership. These conflicts cause a serious break between 
the father and the elder son, Ira, with the younger son, Mart, the 
narrator of the story, left to arrive at his own position as the story 
progresses. The two attitudes are expressed well by Ira in one 
passage early in the novel as he and Mart reflect near Independ- 
ence Rock on the early emigrants who traveled the Oregon Trail 
in search of something better: "Nothing ended with the Mormons 
or the other emigrants. . . . People will always be looking for a 
place or a way of life that suits them better. I suppose the emi- 
grants intrigue me because they were trying hard to make some- 
thing new from their lives. Of course they didn't succeed com- 
pletely, but making the effort was the important thing. A person 
living here now has to make the same effort to move ahead of old 
ways of looking at things. . . . That's one reason why I can't go 
along with Father's view that a few men have a right to control 
the Sweetwater Valley for over seventy-five miles from the mouth 
of the river. When there weren't any other people in the country, 
it might've made some sense, though I can't see where white men 
had the right to take this land from the Indians to begin with. But 
now a lot of new people with rights as good as those of any early 
rancher are coming in. I think everyone should start using the 
land here in fairer ways and acting more civilized toward each 
other when problems come up over mavericks and homesteads." 


Each holds firmly to his position and the breach widens as the 
novel progresses. 

While this estrangement grows, influenced by particular events 
in the plot or causing them, other characters are introduced and 
developed in varying degrees — Senator Karr, a pillar of the all- 
powerful Cattlemen's Association, determined to exterminate all 
resistance to the established ranchers like himself and the elder 
Tyrrell; his daughter, Leah, who eventually turns against him and 
helps thereby to prevent at least one major catastrophe; Paulson, 
the Association detective, ruthless, ambitious, and treacherous; 
Mary, the half-breed girl, who suffers from the enmities and pro- 
vides the major emotional interest; and the relevant assortment of 
outsiders, foremen, and cowhands, each of whom contributes his 
bit to the development of the book. Among the latter, the char- 
acter known only as "Cookie" stands out as a little masterpiece of 
characterization — alive, individual, consistent, shrewd, sharp- 
tongued. It is to be regretted that Mr. Roripaugh chose to use 
him so sparingly. 

But then, for this reader at least, the chief fault of the book 
( if "fault" is the right word ) is that almost everything is done 
too sparingly. The novel ought to be twice as long as it is. Its 
substance is rich, varied, and significant, the stuff out of which 
a major novel, even a great one, might be made. The talent to 
make it such seems not to be lacking — only the extent of develop- 
ment. Some aspects of the novel are wholly excellent, like the 
plot itself which is carefully and realistically developed, or the fine 
and moving portrait of Ira, who stands alone against the powerful 
forces of selfishness and self-righteousness. But other aspects 
suffer from brevity. There ought to have been time and space to 
develop the picture and the influence of the land. This is fine 
country of which he writes and it ought to be made more vivid, its 
hold on the characters intensified. Again and again, but only in a 
sentence or a short passage here and there, Mr. Roripaugh shows 
what he could do if he were inclined to indulge himself more than 
he has. He has learned some good things from Mari Sandoz, who 
is a master at evoking a landscape, but he has chosen here not to 
put his obvious skill to full use. Then, a few of the characters 
almost demand more preparation, especially Senator Karr. He is a 
significant part of the story, representative of one way of thinking. 
By devoting more space to him, the author, even with the point of 
view he chooses to use, could have increased our understanding 
of the opposition to men like Ira and in particular have made more 
credible the important revelations of his daughter in a scene which, 
as it stands, is a defect for it has all the marks of a dens ex machina, 
though it was not intended as such. There ought to have been 
time also to clarify the almost shadowy Jennie whose merits as a 
character are not exploited enough, whose fears remain too vague, 
whose very function, in fact, is not really clear except that she 


provides a bit of needed information and a couple of irrelevant 
sexual episodes. 

But these and others are all matters which might, or perhaps 
should, have been. What is is still fine enough to merit attention. 
The book reflects much insight, there are some truly worthy char- 
acterizations, and the smooth and appropriate style (except here 
and there in conversations) makes the book eminently readable 
and rewarding. It deserves to be added to that short list of good 
novels about the West. 

University oj Wyoming Richard Mahan 

The Badmen. Columbia Records Legacy Collection. L2L1011. 

Columbia Records in this new "two discs and a book" folio 
invades the publishing field, combining music, reminiscences and 
stories. It is a rather exciting venture, and it should meet with the 
approval of the thousands who are fascinated with the western 
badman. Future plans for similar efforts are indicated in the 
foreword by Mr. Goddard Lieberson: "Beyond this album, our 
overall plan is to explore, in this same way, other aspects of the 
West. Right or wrong, we have begun here with the most striking, 
the best known and certainly the most popular of the folk histories 
and legends; dealing as it does, with a group which to some were 
Robin Hoods, heroic daredevils, and to others, petty thieves, cheap 
murderers, immoral braggadocios." 

Columbia Records includes in this one package two long-playing 
records, one of songs of the badmen, and one of reminiscences by 
people who had first hand knowledge of events and the people 
concerned. A sixty-nine page book, well written and illustrated, 
entitled "The Badmen, Songs, Stories and Pictures of the Western 
Outlaws from Blackhills to Border, 1865-1900" accompanies the 


Several University presses are performing a valuable service in 
the field of Western Americana by reprinting many books on the 
West which have been out-of-print, difficult and expensive to ob- 
tain for a number of years. These reprints make such items, many 
of which have become classics, available again at reasonable prices. 
The following reprints in paperback editions are off the press and 
may be obtained through bookstores. 



Bison Books, Paperback Edition 

A Cycle of the West: The Song of Three Friends, The Song of 
Hugh Glass, The Song of Jed Smith, The Song of the Indian 
Wars, The Song of the Messiah. By John G. Neihardt. In- 
troduction by John Neihardt, 1948. (First published by 
Macmillan Co., reproduced by arrangements with the author.) 
1963. 656 pp. $1.85. 

The Look of the West I860. Across the Plains to California. By 
Sir Richard Burton. Foreword by Robert G. Athearn. (Text 
and appendix originally comprised part of The City of the 
Saints and Across the Rocky Mountains to California, pub- 
lished in London in 1 862. ) 1963. 333 pp. $1.60. 

Saynday's People. The Kiowa Indians and the Stories They Told. 
By Alice Marriott. (Includes Winter-Telling Stories, ( 1947,) 
and Indians on Horseback (1948) both published originally 
by Thomas Y. Crowell, N. Y.) 1963. Illus., index. 225 
pp. SI. 75. 


Robert A. Murray, Museum Curator at Fort Laramie Nation- 
al Historic Site since 1962, has had previous assignments with the 
National Park Service as Ranger-Historian at Custer Battlefield, 
and as Historian at Pipestone National Monument. He and his 
wife and son now live in Lingle. His hobbies include hunting, 
photography and historical research, and he has had articles pub- 
lished in the Minnesota Archaeologist, National Park Service pub- 
lications and newspapers. 

Austin L. Moore, as a child, lived in Wyoming for a few years 
when his family occupied the parsonage of the Congregational 
Church on East 19th Street, in Cheyenne. He and his wife now 
make their home in East Lansing, Michigan, where he is Professor 
of Humanities at Michigan State University. Dr. Moore received 
his B.A. degree at Oberlin College and his Ph. D. at Columbia 
University. His published writings include John D. Archbold, a 
Biography, Farewell Farouk, Souls and Saddlebags, and numerous 
articles. Dr. Moore has traveled extensively throughout this coun- 
try, Europe and Africa, and also enjoys tennis, golf and chess. 

Don D. Fowler has had numerous archaeological and anthro- 
pological articles published in Utah, and others are in preparation. 
A native of Utah, he is a graduate of the University of Utah, and 
is at present a graduate student and instructor in anthropology at 
the University of Pittsburgh. He is a member of several profes- 
sional organizations. 

Jay Gurian's interest in the Sweetwater area goes back to 1941, 
when, as he says, "On a cross-country tour with my family, our 
Packard ran dry on the old gravel road between U.S. 30 and Lan- 
der. We wheezed down the hill into South Pass City. The creek 
was nearly dead dry, but we got water from the old spring across 
from the general store. From then on, I wanted to return to 
Sweetwater and learn its history . . . My interest became official 
when I chose Sweetwater as central interest for my American 
Studies Ph. D. thesis research. " Dr. Gurian attended Syracuse 
University and the University of Hawaii, has been an instructor 
in English at the University of Hawaii and the University of Min- 
nesota, and is now Professor of American Studies at Osmania 
L'niversity, Hyderabad, India, where he lives with his wife and 
two sons. 


John Dishon McDermott. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 34, 
No. 2, October, 1962, pp. 261-262. 

Elizabeth J. Thorpe. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 34, No. 
1, April, 1962, p. 132. 

Dick J. Nelson. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 34, No. 1, 
April, 1962, p. 131. 



L ^ LAK T 






of Wyoming 

■:■■■■. ^ 

Wyoming State Archives and Historical Department 

October 1964 


Fred W. Marble, Chairman Cheyenne 

E. A. Littleton Gillette 

Robert H. Burns Laramie 

Mrs. Dwight Wallace Evanston 

Mrs. Frank Mockler Lander 

Mrs. Wilmot C. Hamm Rock Springs 

Mrs. William Miller Lusk 

Gordon Brodrick Powell 

Attorney General John F. Raper, Ex Officio 



Lola M. Homsher Director 

Henryetta Berry Assistant Director 

Mrs. Katherine Halverson Chief, Historical Division 

Mrs. Bonnie Forsyth Chief, Archives & Records Division 


The Annals of Wyoming is published semi-annually in April and 
October and is received by all members of the Wyoming State Historical 
Society. Copies of current issues may be purchased for $1.00 each. 
Available copies of earlier issues are also for sale. A price list may be 
obtained by writing to the Editor. 

Communications should be addressed to the Editor. The Editor does 
not assume responsibility for statements of fact or of opinion made by 

Copyright, 1964, by the Wyoming State Archives and 
Historical Department. 

Zke Sheep caters 

David Dominick 


Every land has its past history and past peoples, and those 
citizens of today question after those of yesterday. Who were the 
peoples here before us; where did they come from; how did they 
live; and lastly, where did they go? In the answering of these 
questions fact and fantasy often become entangled. Then to return 
to the historical scene and to try to separate the true from the 
untrue becomes a matter of adventure, for in trying to reconstruct 
what once was, mystery and romance still shine through from those 
former times. 

In the high mountains of western Wyoming — the Absarokas, 
the Wind Rivers, the Gros Ventres, and the Tetons — and in the 
rugged plateau of central Idaho — there are left evidences of the 
existence of primitive peoples. Remains of their camps can be 
found today, as well as traps and pens once used to catch game, 
and arrowheads used to kill it. 

During the first part of the nineteenth century the few trappers, 
traders, and explorers who could write, and had an inclination to 
do so, left scattered references to Indian peoples living in these 
mountains. Toward the end of that century official government 
documents by Indian agents and superintendents refer to the 
Indians in their charge, among whom were the people of the 

These early historical sources called the people of the moun- 
tains "sheepeaters.' 1 This English name derives from the Shoshoni 
Indian name Tukudeka, meaning "eaters of mountain sheep" (or 
more properly "eaters of meat." ) The identification of these sup- 
posed "sheepeaters" is not a simple thing; in fact, not nearly as 
simple as most writers have tried to make it. Therefore, the first 
section of this paper will deal with the problem of just who, if 
anyone, were the "Sheepeaters." 

As will be seen from a review of historical sources a confusing 
diversity of names were applied to the "Sheepeaters"; however, 
this is of less importance than the fact that a group of mountain- 
dwelling Shoshoni possessing a highly characteristic culture did in 
fact exist. Therefore the second part of this paper will attempt to 
set forth as much as we presently know about that now-extinct 



This description must come from a compilation of historical, 
ethnographic, and archaeological sources. In addition, I have 
sought to confirm and supplement these often scanty references 
through field work among the Shoshoni of the Wind River Reser- 
vation, Wyoming, and Fort Hall, Idaho, during the winter of 
1959-1960, and by personal communications and interviews with 
Dr. Sven Liljeblad, Idaho State College, 1959; Dr. George Ago- 
gino, University of Wyoming, 1959; Dr. Omer Stewart, University 
of Colorado, 1964; and others. I am indebted to Dr. Liljeblad for 
the use of his unpublished linguistic and ethnographic material. 
Finally, I am indebted to Jack Contor of Blackfoot, Idaho, for 
access to unpublished materials gathered by him on the pre- 
reservation culture of the Northern Shoshoni. 


The Shoshoni Indians once lived in parts of present-day Wyo- 
ming, Idaho, Utah and Nevada. (See Map: Fig. 7.) This region 
has been defined as the Basin-Plateau culture area by Kroeber. 1 

Linguistically the Shoshoni belonged to the Uto-Aztecan linguis- 
tic stock which was composed of their neighbors within the Basin- 
Plateau culture area; Gosiute, Northern Paiute, Southern Paiute, 

Fig. 1 

1. Kroeber, A. L., 1939, Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North 
America, University of California, Publications in American Archaeology 
and Ethnology, 38, Berkeley, California. 


Bannock, and Ute, as well as their relatives to the south and south- 
east, Hopi, Aztec and Comanche. 

Classification of the many speakers of the mutually intelligible 
dialects of the Plateau-Shoshonean- language has been done from 
several points of view. Lowie'' recognized different groups of 
Shoshoni in terms of the history of their habitation within a certain 
geographical area. Steward 4 did a comprehensive study of the 
Basin and Plateau people, and he based his classification upon the 
social and political organization of the various cultures he studied. 
He oriented these studies in specific localities; therefore, he uses 
place names for describing his classification. Nomenclature used 
by the Shoshoni Indians themselves in describing others who speak 
their language has stemmed not so much, however, from geo- 
graphical place names, nor from sociopolitical distinctions, but 
from economic distinctions. The subsistence of all the Shoshoni 
peoples came from a great variety of sources. They utilized their 
environment in every possible manner by hunting game both large 
and small, by fishing, and by gathering nuts, berries, roots, herbs, 
and insects. Therefore, the Shoshoni "folknames" for each other 
have been based upon certain foods which seemed to predominate 
in the lives of any one particular group at any particular time. 

Those who lived along the Salmon River and whose main sub- 
sistence activity was fishing were called Agaideka ("salmon-eat- 
ers"). Those who did not live near the spawning grounds of the 
big salmon but who ate smaller fish were called Pengwideka ( "fish- 
eaters" ) . Hekandeka or Hukandeka means "seed-eaters," but this 
is a pun, for it means "dirt-eater" too. Kutsimdeka means "buf- 
falo-eater," Padehiyadeka means "elk-eater." Of importance to us 
is the spelling and derivation of the word "sheepeater," which 
comes from the Shoshoni word collection Tuku-deka meaning 
"mountain-sheep eater" or more properly "meat-eater.""' 

Nowhere among Northern Shoshoni [Lowie's (1909) term] did 
these or other names relating to special food denote clearly defined 
local groups or individual bands. Rather, they referred to regional 

2. Liljeblad, Sven, 1959, "Indian Peoples in Idaho". History of Idaho, 
by Beal and Wells, Lewis Historical Publishing Co., Inc., Chapter 2, p. 37. 

3. Lowie, Robert H., 1909, "The Northern Shoshone", American Mu- 
seum of Natural History, Vol. II, part 2; and Lowie, Robert H., 1924, "Notes 
on Shoshonean Ethnography", Anthrop. Papers of the Am. Mas. of Nat. 
Hist., Vol. 20, part 3. N. Y. 

4. Steward, Julian H., 1938, "Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical 
Groups", Smithsonian Inst., Bur. of Am. Ethnol., Bull. 120. 

5. Liljeblad, Sven, 1957, Indian Peoples in Idaho, Idaho State College. 
(Hereafter referred to as "Liljeblad, 1957".) All of the above names and 
spellings come from the manuscript listed here by Dr. Sven Liljeblad of 
Pocatello. Dr. Liljeblad, a linguist, has spent many years studying the 
Bannock and Shoshoni of Idaho, and can be cited as the chief authority in 
this field at the present day. 


resources utilized by people who might travel widely. "An indi- 
vidual, a family, or an entire band, could be named differently at 
different times according to temporary whereabouts or to the 
seasons and the corresponding foods. " ,; 

By way of an example, Shoshoni from the Snake River Plains 
who had generally been called Kutsundeka appropriated for a 
short time the name Padehiyadeka when they went to the Teton 
country of western Wyoming to hunt elk. These same "buffalo- 
eaters", when traveling up the Portneuf River to dig roots, were 
referred to as Kuyedeka, meaning "eaters of the 'tobacco-root' " 
(Valerina obovata). 1 

It is in this manner that Dr. Sven Liljeblad has spelled out his 
significant findings on the problem of identification and classifica- 
tion of the various Shoshoni peoples. 8 He concludes that among 
the Shoshoni living west of the Continental Divide, that is in the 
Plateau region of Idaho, any particular group of these people is 
merely a "domestic group" with culture traits similar to all other 
Shoshoni of the Plateau. Group names are arbitrary and are not 
based on ethnic distinctions. It is Liljeblad's contention that all 
the Northern Shoshoni peoples had a general culture in common 
and that they all practiced varying methods of subsistence as the 
opportunity arose. 

This is recognized by the present-day Shoshoni Indians of Idaho. 
W. G., !t who lives on the Fort Hall Reservation, Idaho, had this to 
say of his various neighbors, "Just whatever they ate at that time is 
what I called them. We could even call them 'coffee-drinkers.' " 
He told of a woman who was supposed to be a "meat-eater," that 
is, she preferred to eat only meat. But during the ration days of 
World War II this woman came to W.G. and his wife, C. G., and 
asked them for some food. They gave her both meat and fat and 
she took it and ate it. Later when W. G. and C. G. met her 
coming down the road, C. G. laughed and said, "Here she comes, 
here comes 'she-who-eats both.' ' In speaking of the Shoshoni in 
general W. G. said, "We are all the same people ... It is all mixed 
up [meaning marriages and blood lines] all the way back." This 
is the consensus among all the Shoshoni at Fort Hall. 10 E. B. 11 
said, "This whole group of Indians are all the same people . . . 

6. Liljeblad, 1957, p. 56. 

7. Ibid., pp. 56-57. 

8. Personal interview with Dr. Sven Liljeblad, 711 S. 10th Street, Poca- 
tello, Idaho. December 31, 1959. 

9. Personal interview with W. G., Fort Hall, Idaho, December 30, 1959. 
W. G. is a 65-year-old Shoshoni "long-hair" or conservative. He is well 
informed about some of the past history of his people and tells correctly 
what he knows. 

10. Most of the Shoshoni originally living in Idaho are now located at 
Fort Hall. These include all the Northern Shoshoni as designated by Lowie 


The Tukudeka people from the mountains know people from all 
over Idaho real well ... by names and by relation." 

Thus it can be seen that in Idaho all groups were in contact with 
each other; enough so that culture elements were shared by all. 
Intermarriage between various groups seems to be the rule rather 
than the exception, and any distinctions which groups might have 
had in aboriginal times have largely disappeared by today. 

In historic times Indians living on the east side of the Continental 
Divide spoke the same language, Plateau-Shoshonean, as did those 
to the west. These Indians have been called "Wyoming Shoshoni" 
by Steward, 11 ' "Wind River Shoshonr by Krosber, 11 and "Eastern 
Shoshoni" or "Eastern Snakes" by early historical sources. Ake 
Hultkrantz, who has done recent field work among the Shoshoni 
of Wyoming, 14 prefers to call these people "Wyoming Plains Sho- 
shoni." Hultkrantz prefers 1 "' this nomenclature for two reasons. 
Firstly, the name "Wind River Shoshone" actually refers only to 
reservation times, or the time since 1 868 when these people, under 
the leadership of Chief Washakie, agreed to live on the Wind River 
Reservation. Before this time they roamed at will on the plains of 
Wyoming and even made buffalo-hunting forays into Montana and 
the Dakotas. 10 The second reason why Hultkrantz chooses to 
rename the Shoshoni of Wyoming is that he finds them to be a 
heterogeneous, not a homogeneous, group of people. 17 Hultkrantz 
has found what he believes to be three distinct ethnic groups among 
the Shoshoni of Wyoming. These are called by him the Kucun- 
clika ]s ("buffalo-eaters"), the Tukudika 19 ("sheep-eaters"), and 

( 1909) among whom were people who had lived in the Lemhi Valley and 
were called "Lemhi" by Lowie (1909) and people who had lived in the 
mountainous region around the Lemhi River. These latter people were 
called Sheepeaters by early historical sources and have been termed 
Tukudeka by later anthropological sources. (Liljeblad, 1957, and others.) 

11. Personal interview with E. B. Blackfoot, Idaho. January 2. 1960. 
E.B. is an educated Shoshoni and head of the Fort Hall tribal council. 

12. Steward, 1938, op. cit., p. 211. 

13. Kroeber, 1939. op. cit., pp. 80. 82. 

14. Hultkrantz. an associate professor of anthropology at the University 
of Stockholm, Sweden, has been to this country for field work in 1948, 1955 
and 1957, his chief concern being the Shoshoni of Wyoming. 

15. Hultkrantz, Ake, "The Shoshones in the Rocky Mountain Area," 
p. 21, originally published in Swedish in Ymer, 1956: 3, pp. 161-187. 
Translated by Dr. Arne Magnus, University of Colorado. Boulder, Colo- 
rado. Republished, Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 33, No. 1, pp. 19-41, April, 
1961. (Hereafter referred to as Hultkrantz, 1961.) 

16. Shimkin, D. B., 1947a, "Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography", 
Anthropological Records, Vol. 3, No. 4, University of California, Berkeley. 

17. Hultkrantz, 1961, op. cit., p. 21. 

18. 1825 is the date of the first rendezvous by fur trappers. It was held 
on the Green River which was to become the demographic center for the 
Haivodika, who because of the fur trade became specialized as middle-men 
and traders themselves. 


the Haivodika ("dove-eaters"). The latter group is of less impor- 
tance and seems to have become distinct only after 1825. 

My investigations show that the present day Wind River Shoshoni — 
up to this time considered by ethnologists as a homogeneous tribe — 
is composed of descendants of three independent ethnic units as of 
1860, within the present boundaries of Wyoming. If one goes further 
back in time, then one can conjecture that the number of independent 
groups was even greater, but that two large main groups stand out 
both through their sociopolitical structure, and their economic activ- 
ities: the Buffalo Hunter or Kucundika of the Plains, the main por- 
tion of the present Wind River Shoshoni, and the Sheep-Eaters or 
Tukudika in the mountains. 20 

These so-called "sheepeaters", with whom we are concerned, 
have been designated in other historical and anthropological litera- 
ture by a variety of names: 

Hoebel- 1 calls them Tuk-u-rika, but recognizes the interchange- 
ability of "dika" for "rika." Hoebel also distinguished a separate 
group of Pa-rah-ia-dika or "elk-eaters" living in the Teton Range 
and a group called Dayiane, "Mountain Dwellers", living in Yel- 
lowstone Park. 

Lowie called those Shoshoni living in the mountains around 
Lemhi, Idaho, Tukit-rika.- 2 

Stuart calls the "Salmon River Snakes" Took-a-rik-kah. 2:i 

Swanton, in his identification of North American Indian tribes, 
says that the name Tukuarika or Tukuadika was applied with some 
measure of permanence to a number of local groups "extending 
from Yellowstone National Park to the middle course of the Sal- 
mon River." 24 

Humfreville,-"' Wheeler,- ,! and Lander- 7 applied generally the 

19. Note that the spelling given by Hultkrantz of the Shoshoni word 
"eater" differs from that given by Liljeblad. The former uses an "i" and 
the latter an "e". Hereafter the form given by Liljeblad will be used, except 
in reference to particular material given by Hultkrantz. 

20. Hultkrantz, 1961, op. cit., p. 21. Hultkrantz plans to publish two 
monographs on these two groups. His findings on the Tukudika will be 
especially interesting in view of the fact that they have not, until this time, 
been the explicit subject of any published work. 

21. Hoebel, E. Adamson, "Bands and Distributions of the Eastern Sho- 
shone", American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, pp. 410-413, 1938. 

22. Lowie, 1909, op. cit. 

23. Stuart, Granville, 1865, Montana As It Is, New York, p. 81. 

24. Swanton, John R., 1952, The Indians of North America, Smithsonian 
Inst., Bur. of Am. Ethnol., Bull. 145, Washington, p. 405. 

25. Humfreville, J. Lee, 1897, Twenty Years Among Our Savage Indians, 
Hartford, Conn., p. 271. 

26. Wheeler, George M., 1879, Report upon United States Geographic 
Survey West of the One Hundredth Meridian, Archaeology, Vol. 7, Wash- 

27. Lander, F. W., 1860, (Communications in) Message of the President 


term Tukuarika to the Shoshoni of Salmon River, the Upper Snake 
Valley and the surrounding mountains. 

Hodge gives the home of a Tukuarika people as being in Yellow- 
stone Park and the Lemhi Fork of the Salmon River. - s 

The Murphys recognize a Tukarika or "sheepeater" population 
living in the mountains of Wyoming-"-' and a similarly named but 
socially and geographically separate group called Tukurika cen- 
tered near the Lemhi River in central Idaho. ! " 

Historical references to the "sheepeater'" peoples is sparse in- 
deed, but what records we do have, left by early trappers and 
traders and official expeditions in the 19th century, indicate that 
encounters between the whites and the so-called "sheepeaters 1 ' 
occurred either in the high mountains of Wyoming, principally in 
Yellowstone Park, or in the mountains of central Idaho. 

The first such historical record comes from the journals of 
Captain Bonneville, who in September, 1835, sighted three Indians 
in the Wind River Range. 11 

Captain Bonneville at once concluded that these belonged to a kind 
of hermit race, scanty in number, that inhabit the highest and most 
inaccessible fastnesses. They speak the Shoshone language and prob- 
ably are offsets from that tribe, though they have peculiarities of their 
own. which distinguish them from all other Indians. They are mis- 
erably poor, own no horses, and are destitute of every convenience 
to be derived from an intercourse with the whites. Their weapons are 
bows and stone-pointed arrows, with which they hunt the deer, the 
elk, and the mountain sheep. They are to be found scattered about 
the countries of the Shoshones, Flathead, Crow and Blackfeet tribes, 
but their residences are always in lonely places and the clefts of rocks. 

Osborne Russell made the following observation while trapping 
in the Lamar Valley of Yellowstone Park in July, 1 835 : 3 - 

Here we found a few Snake Indians comprising six men, seven women 
and eight or ten children who were the only inhabitants of this lonely 
and secluded spot. They were all neatly clothed in dressed deer and 
sheepskins of the best quality and seemed to be perfectly contented 
and happy. They were rather surprised at our approach and retreated 
to the heights where they might have a view of us without apprehend- 
ing any danger, but having persuaded them of our pacific intentions 

of the United States, Communicating . . . Information in Relation to the 
Massacre at Mountain Meadows and other Massacres in Utah Territory, 
Sen. Ex. Doc. 42, 36th Cong., 1st Sess.. Washington. 

28. Hodge, Frederick Webb. 1907, Handbook of American Indians, Vol. 
2, Bur. of Am. Ethnol., Bull. 30, Washington. 

29. Murphy, Robert F. and Yolanda, 1960, "Shoshone-Bannock Sub- 
sistence and Society", Anthropological Records 16:7, University of Cali- 
fornia Press, p. 309. 

30. Ibid., p. 323. 

31. Irving, Washington, 1850, Astoria, Covent Garden, p. 139. 

32. Russell, Osborne, 1955, Journal of a Trapper. Aubrey L. Haines, ed., 
Oregon State Historical Society, p. 26. 


we then succeeded in getting them to encamp with us. Their personal 
property consisted of one old butcher knife, nearly worn to the back, 
two old shattered fusees which had long since become useless for want 
of ammunition, a small stone pot and about 30 dogs on which they 
carried their skins, clothing, provisions etc. on their hunting excursions. 
They were well armed with bows and arrows pointed with obsidian. 

C. W. Cook, in his account of the Folsom-Cook Expedition of 
1869, The Valley of the Upper Yellowstone, says, "On the eighth 
day out we encountered a band of Indians, who, however, proved 
to be Tonkeys, or Sheepeaters, and friendly; the discovery of their 
character relieved our minds of apprehension, and we conversed 
with them as well as their limited knowledge of English, and our of 
pantomime would permit." 88 

In The Report of Lieut. Gustavius C. Doane upon the so-called 
Yellowstone Expedition of 1870 to the Secretary of War, Si Doane 
says: on the "Twenty-fifth day — September 15 — the only traces 
of Indians [possibly nomadic Plains Indians] we had seen were 
some shelters of logs, rotten and tumbling down from age, to- 
gether with a few poles standing in the former summer camps; 
there were no fresh trails whatever. Appearances indicated that 
the basin (of the Yellowstone Plateau) had been almost entirely 
abandoned by the sons of the forest. A few lodges of Sheepeaters, 
a branch remnant of the Snake tribe, wretched beasts who run 
from the sight of a white man or from any other tribe of Indians, 
once said to inhabit the fastnesses of the mountains around the 
lakes, poorly armed and dismounted, obtaining a precarious sub- 
sistence, and in defenseless condition. We saw, however, no recent 
traces of them." 

The Earl of Dunraven took a trip into the northern half of 
Yellowstone Park in the summer of 1874. This observant old 
sportsman wrote, "Our path . . . crossed a low divide into the 
valley system of the Fire Hole, or east fork of the Madison River. 
Before crossing the divide we passed a few old wigwams, remains 
of encampments of Sheepeaters. These were the last indications 
of Indians that we saw . . ." 85 Also, "A few wretched Sheepeaters 
are said to linger in the fastnesses of the mountains about Clarke's 
Fork; but their existence is very doubtful; at any rate they must be 
a harmless, timid race." 

33. Cook, C. W., 1869, The Valley of the Upper Yellowstone, In: Cram- 
ton, Louis C, 1932, Early History of Yellowstone National Park and Its 
Relation to National Park Policies, Washington. 

34. Doane, Lieutenant Gustavus C, 1870, Report of Lieutenant Gustavus 
C. Doane upon the So-called Yellowstone Expedition of 1870 to the Sec. of 
War, In: Cramton, 1932, op. cit. 

35. Dunraven, The Earl of, 1876, The Great Divide, London, Reprinted 
in: Hunting in the Yellowstone, Edited by Horace Kephart, Outing Pub- 
lishing Co., New York, 1917, pp. 221-222 and 246. 


Colonel P. W. Norris, who was superintendent of Yellowstone 
Park from 1877 to 1882, and who was largely responsible for 
having the last Indians removed from the Park in the late 1870's, 
should have been well informed about the Indians of this area. He 
wrote that he found near the Sheepeater Cliffs in the northern 
Yellowstone Park the "ancient but recently deserted, secluded, 
unknown haunts ,,;;<; of the Sheepeaters. Also, 'The haunt of the 
main Bannock tribe was at Henry's Lake, west of the park, that of 
their little Sheepeaters Band within [the Park(?)], and their main 
buffalo range upon the Big Horn, most of it." 

The letters of Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent at Fort Bridger, 
to the Superintendents of Indian Affairs, Utah Territory, in the 
1860's also give evidence that a group called Sheepeaters lived in 
Wyoming at this time (1850-1880). 

Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to D. H. Irish, Supt. of Indian 
Affairs, dated Fort Bridger Agency, October 5, 1864. :s7 

About the first of June a party of Loo-coo-rekah, or Sheep-Eater 
Indians stole and brought into camp nineteen head of horses belonging 
to a party of miners at Beaver Head, Montana Territory. 

Luther Mann, Jr., Indian Agent, to F. H. Head, Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs, dated Fort Bridger Agency, July 15. 1867. 38 

Sir, your communication of June 3rd in regard to the Mixed Bands 
of Indians who range about the headwaters of the Yellowstone Galiton 
Madison Snake and Green Rivers around Bannack and Boise fre- 
quently in the Territory of Utah was duly received. . . . There also 
exists another band of Tookooreka or Sheep Eaters a branch of Sho- 
shonees who live almost entirely in the Mountains very seldom visit 
the white settlements. The last named Band speak the Shoshonee 
dialect . . . 

Granville Stuart writing in 1865 says, "The 'Salmon River 
Snakes 1 occupy the Salmon River and the upper part of Snake 
River Valley, and 'Coiner's prarie/ near the Boise mines. They 
are called "Took-a-rik-kah,' or 'mountain-sheepeaters,' by the 
other Snakes, because in former times they lived principally on 
these animals, which were very abundant then in that region, but 
are about 'played out 1 now." 39 

In 1877 W. H. Jackson, the famous frontier photographer, 
reported that, "There are 200 more (Bannocks) at the Lemhi 

36. Norris, P. W., 1880, Report on the Yellowstone Park to the Secretary 
of the Interior, 1878, Ex. Doc. House Rep., 3rd Sess. 46th Cong., 1880-81, 
Washington, p. 988. 

37. Morgan, Dale L., 1958, editor of: Washakie and the Shoshoni. A 
selection of Documents from the Records of the Utah Superintendency of 
Indian Affairs, Annals of Wyoming, 1952-1958, Vol. 29, No. 2, Oct. 1957, 
p. 198. 

38. Ibid., Vol. 30, No. 1, April, 1958, pp. 54-55. 

39. Stuart, 1865, op. cit., p. 81. 


reservation, where there are 340 sheepeaters, a band of Bannocks 
living a retired life in the mountains dividing Idaho from Montana, 
and 500 Shoshonees." 40 

In Idaho the last distinct reports of a people designated as 
Sheepeaters came from the mountains of western Idaho between 
the Weiser River and the Middle Fork of the Salmon River. This 
is provided by the accounts of the so-called "Sheepeater Campaign 
of 1879." 41 In the summer and fall of that year, the U. S. Army 
tried to pacify or annihilate a small group of Indians roaming on 
foot in these mountains. These Indians apparently had never been 
on a reservation. And according to Col. W. C. Brown these 
"Sheepeaters were a small band of renegade Bannocks, Shoshones, 
and Weisers". 4 - The Indians were pursued in the Big Creek and 
Elk Creek area of the mid-Salmon River drainages. They appar- 
ently lived on both sides of the divide. As Aaron Parker says, 
"The Sheepeaters were a few mongrel Indians of unknown pedi- 
gree who inhabited the Council and Indian valleys of the Upper 
Weiser Mountains." 43 These Indians had been raiding whites 
together with renegade Bannocks. 

In Wyoming, the last official reports of a Sheepeater group con- 
cern their removal to the reservations in the 1870's. They soon 
lost their identity, at least from a group point of view, as there is 
no record that they were distinguished for long from the Shoshoni 
whom they joined on the reservation. 

In 1880, Superintendent Norris 44 made efforts to have a treaty 
accepted by Congress, and to reach an agreement with the Indians 
who had frequented or lived in Yellowstone. The essence of this 
agreement was that the Indians would not come north into the 
Park further than Heart Lake. 

There is a controversy described by Hultkrantz as to the time 

40. Jackson, W. H., 1877, Descriptive Catalog of Photographs of North 
American Indians, Ch. 5, p. 70. 

41. It seems clear that the people designated as "hostiles" by the U.S. 
government and pursued during the Sheepeater campaign had, by the time 
of that final campaign (1879), little in common with the peaceful, isolated, 
and defenseless "Sheepeaters" described in historical accounts prior to 1850. 
Some of these "hostiles" might well have earlier come from the "mountain 
dwellers" or "Sheepeaters" of Idaho whom we have sought to describe, but 
by 1879 any cultural relation to this ancestry was no doubt lost. In sum- 
mary, these "hostiles" were best described as a "mixed band" of renegade 
or ill-contented and well-armed Indians who lived by marauding the white 
settlers and who resisted the white advance until subdued in this final 

42. Brown, Col. W. C, U.S.A., 1926, The Sheep Eater Campaign, Idaho, 
1879. Reprinted from the 10th Biennial Report. Idaho Historical Society, 
p. 5. 

43. Parker, Aaron F., 192(?), Forgotten Tragedies of Indian Warfare in 
Idaho. Grangeville, Idaho, p. 1. 

44. Hultkrantz, 1957, op. cit., p. 145. 


and place of removal of the Indians from Yellowstone. Letters by 
Superintendents Hass and D. G. Yaeger, from 1929, and kept in 
the archives of the agency at Wind River Reservation, stated that 
Sheepeaters were moved to this reservation in 1871 and 1879. 4 "' 
On the other hand there is information provided by Norris showing 
that Sheepeaters were moved to Lemhi. 4 ' 1 Both may have been 

Replogle shows a photograph of a "Sheepeater family in the 
Yellowstone country. The tepee is a temporary summer dwelling 
with aspen supporting an Army-style canvas." 47 This description 
shows that this picture must have been taken after the military 
occupation of Yellowstone in 1870. 

A report of Sheepeaters remaining after 1879 is supplied by 
General Sheridan in his report "Report on Exploration of parts of 
Wyoming, Idaho, and Montana, 1882." He says that the expedi- 
tion had "five Sheep-eating Indians as guides. " 

Scattered individuals claiming to be Sheepeaters remained after 
1880. Among these was Togwotee who became an important 
chief and guide among the Wind River Shoshones. 4s 

Hultkrantz deduces that in the late history of the Sheepeaters, 
marauding Plains tribes, plus smallpox introduced by the whites, 
diminished the number of those who were still free roaming. 41 ' 
Grace Hebard makes reference to the Sioux as bringing about the 
eventual extinction of the Sheepeaters. "Ultimately the Sioux 
penetrated to their recesses (she gives these as the Absaroka, Ten 
Sleep and Teton mountains) and virtually exterminated them.""'" 

The most interesting story from a romantic point of view, but 
least substantiated from a scientific point of view, is W. A. Allen's 
account of the story he obtained from the alleged 115-year-old 
Sheepeater squaw, "Under the Ground". She was with a band of 
mountain Crows, near the Big Horn mountains, when Allen says 
he met her in 1913. According to Allen she described the small- 
pox epidemic and its consequences among her people. "By and 
by Sheep Eater not many. They go to other Indian tribes down in 
valley on river, where much big water runs, and eat heap buffalo, 

45. Ibid. 

46. Ibid. 

47. Replogle, Wayne F., 1956, Yellowstone's Bannock Indian Trails, 
Yellowstone Park, Wyoming, Yellowstone Interpretive Series, No. 6, p. 48. 

48. Hultkrantz, op. tit., pp. 135-136. 

49. cf., Shimkin, D. B., 1938, "Wind River Shoshone Geography," 
American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, p. 415. "During the first one half of the 
19th century, terrific epidemics of smallpox hit Wyoming, causing a deci- 
mation and scattering of the population. The dukureka of the Wind River 
Mountains (who, incidentally never had horses) were nearly wiped out." 

50. Hebard, Grace Raymond, 1930, Washakie. Arthur Clark Company, 
Cleveland, 1930, p. 118. Dr. Hebard gives no references to her sources of 


ride pony, marry heap squaw . . . then Sheep Eater no more, no 
more papoose, no more squaw, all gone." 51 

Left with these scant but often alluring historical accounts of the 
elusive "Sheepeaters" we must turn to ethnographic accounts and 
our own field work in order to better identify them. 

J. T., 52 living on the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming, spoke 
of the Tukudeka as being distinct from the other Indians of the 
reservation. He mentioned one of the few Tukudeka who after 
three generations kept his distinctiveness from the rest of the Sho- 
shoni. This man, J. Q., 53 lived on a part of the reservation away 
from all others (Sage Creek) and was known by the other Shoshoni 
not to participate in the regular Shoshoni dances. F. P. and P. P. 54 
both made vague references to a group of people who once lived 
up in the mountains. S. N. 55 gave another name, engaa,~' r ' for the 
"mountainpeople" as he called them. He had also heard of the 
Shoshoni term Tukudeka. M. P. 57 distinguished clearly between 
Chief Washakie's band (who were Kucundika as classified by 
Hultkrantz) and another group whom she called Dukurika. 58 Al- 
though Mrs. P. now lives at the Fort Hall Reservation in Idaho, 
she came originally from Wind River, Wyoming, where her moth- 
er's father was a nephew of Chief Washakie himself. This is 

51. Allen, W. A., 1913, The Sheepeaters, Shakespeare Press, New York. 

52. Personal interview with J.T., Fort Washakie, Wyoming, December 
28, 1959. J. T. is one of the best informed Shoshoni about the past history 
of the tribe. He learned most of his information from his grandmother. 
From what other Wind River Shoshoni told me he was one of Hultkrantz's 
principal informants. 

53. I attempted to speak to this man but he refused to give me any 
information, interestingly enough because I probably insulted him by asking 
outright if he was a "sheepeater". In the event that he was in fact insulted, 
graphic proof is thus afforded that "Sheepeaters" may well have been poorly 
esteemed by some Shoshoni as "lower-class". I believe, however, that he 
may have given some information to Dr. Hultkrantz which should be very 
interesting if published. 

54. Personal interview with F. P. and P. P., Burris, Wyoming, January 3, 
1960. Both of these people are full-blood Shoshoni about 60-70 years old. 
F. P. had gone to school at Fort Hall. 

55. Personal interview with S. N., Burris, Wyoming, January 3, 1960. 
S.N. came to the Wind River Reservation at the age of two. His father 
came from a Paiute band in Nevada and he joined the Fort Hall Shoshoni 
and Bannock for a time before moving to Wind River. (This case, along 
with many others, shows the considerable amount of migration and contact 
of the present-day Shoshoni, and has bearing upon the fluidity of political 
groups and the loosely extended blood lines of aboriginal times. 

56. This means in Shoshoni "anything of the red color, maroon". 

57. Personal interview with M.P., Blackfoot, Idaho, January 2, 1960. 
Mrs. P. is in her fifties. Her husband is a Bannock. 

58. This deviation from the spelling given by Liljeblad is not startling in 
light of the fact that some Shoshoni dialects pronounce "t" with a gutteral 
sound approximating "d". Likewise the "d" of dika is sometimes slurred to 
an "r". 


especially interesting since she identified the Tukudeka (or Duku- 
rika as she called them ) in the same general way as did all other 
present-day Wind River Shoshoni. 

The general impression received from all of these Wind River, 
Wyoming, people is that there were a group of mountain dwellers 
who were definitely distinct from the buffalo-hunting Plains Sho- 
shoni. In the light of this impression the conclusion reached by 
Hultkrantz is not at all surprising. 

On the other hand, the statements by the Fort Hall, Idaho, Sho- 
shoni concerning the identity of any particular group differ con- 
siderably from those given by the present-day Wind River Sho- 

As was seen, E. B., W. G. and C. G., of the Fort Hall Reser- 
vation, Idaho, all give credence to Liljeblad's thesis concerning the 
Idaho Shoshoni and are unequivocal in their contradiction of Hult- 
krantz' thesis concerning the Wyoming Shoshoni. 

The anomaly will not be eliminated, but it can perhaps be 
explained in terms of cultural differences among groups in the two 
areas under question. Cultural differences among the Shoshoni 
were to a large degree influenced by a single thing. This was the 
introduction of the horse. All cultures to which the horse was 
introduced experienced a transformation. 59 But this transforma- 
tion was not of the same magnitude in all cultures. I contend that 
the horse transformed the culture of the Wyoming Plains Shoshoni 
to a much greater degree than it did the culture of the Idaho 
Shoshoni, and that this difference in degree has direct bearing 
upon the problem of identifying the Sheepeaters. 

The Comanche r '" and the Shoshoni both had the horse by 1700 
in the vicinity of Black's Fork, Wyoming.'' 1 The Comanche traded 
horses to their Shoshoni kin. The Shoshoni had in turn traded 
them north through Idaho to the Blackfeet. The Blackfeet had 
the horse by 1751 .'*- 

With the introduction of the horse, Shoshoni culture, which had 
once been simple and uncomplicated, began to take on new forms. 
The economic life of the people changed along with their material 
culture. With their new mode of transportation these people could 
carry a greater amount of material possessions. Clothing became 
more abundant and stylish, and the heavy skin tepee could now be 

59. Wissler, C, 1914, "The Influence of the Horse in the Development 
of Plains Culture," American Anthropologist, Vol. 16, pp. 1-25. 

60. The Comanche were a branch of Shoshonean-speaking peoples who 
moved south and east from the Basin-Plateau region to become an autono- 
mous tribe possessing the classical Plains culture. Their split with the 
original Shoshonean stock was sometime before white contact. 

61. Liljeblad, 1957, op. tit., p. 41. 

62. Haines, Francis, 1938, "The Northward Spread of Horses Among 
the Plains Indians", American Anthro., Vol. 40, pp. 429-437. 


carried from place to place. These new material possessions were 
made chiefly from the buffalo. This animal became the most 
important single thing in the lives of the horse-owning Indian, for 
from the buffalo came not only skins for making of leather goods, 
rawhide, and robes, but also food in large quantities. Horse- 
owning Indians also experienced a change politically. Family units 
which had once traveled alone now came together to form groups 
classically described as bands. 63 Concomitantly, some sort of 
authority was vested in specifically recognized leaders who acted 
at the time of the communal buffalo hunts and in time of war. In 
addition the horse was a source of wealth and was easily stealable 
or easily stolen. Therefore horse-owning Indians came to know 
the techniques of both offense and defense, and in the case of 
Plains Indians, such as the Crow, a "war-complex" developed. 04 
It must be noted, however, that these culture changes did not 
occur rapidly or completely among the Shoshoni living in Idaho. 
As a matter of fact, some groups such as the Sheepeaters were 
virtually unaffected. The cultural transformation experienced by 
the horse-owning buffalo hunters of the Snake River plains, Idaho, 
was of a much lesser degree than the transformation experienced 
across the mountains by the Wyoming Plains Shoshoni. This 
difference in degree was determined to a great extent by ecological 

The buffalo disappeared from the Snake River Plains in Idaho 
about 1 840. 65 Before their extinction they were scarce in Idaho 
as compared to their numbers on the plains east of the Continental 
Divide. This meant that the horse-owning Shoshoni of Idaho 
could not rely wholly upon the buffalo for their subsistence. In 
the process of their yearly travels they might dig "tobacco roots" 
on the Portneuf River, and they might fish for salmon below 
American Falls on the Snake. They invariably would go in May 
or June to the Camas Prairie in Idaho to harvest the camas there. 
In the process of these annual migrations 66 the mounted Indians 
would make frequent contacts with other Idaho Shoshoni par- 
ticipating in the same activity at the same time. 67 Almost all of 
the Shoshoni of Idaho went to the Camas Prairie. Much trading 
between various "domestic groups", and in fact between various 
tribal or linguistic groups, occurred in the vicinity of the Weiser 
River and Camas Prairie. "The Bannock traded buffalo hides to 

63. Steward, J. H., 1936, "The Economic and Social Basis of Primitive 
Bands", in Essays in Anthropology presented to A. L. Kroeber, pp. 331-350, 
Berkeley, California. 

64. Lowie, Robert H., 1935, The Crow Indians, New York. 

65. Liljeblad, 1957, op. cit., p. 49. 

66. Ibid., pp. 63-66. 

67. The most recently published monograph on the Shoshoni supports 
the general observations of conditions in Idaho, cf. Murphy, 1960, op. cit. 


the Nez Perce for horses. The downstream Shoshoni came loaded 
with salmon; groups who wintered in northern Utah brought seeds 
and pine nuts; the impoverished local Shoshoni had nothing to 
offer but seeds, roots, and dried crickets. " 68 Such vigorous inter- 
action would lead to cultural as well as economic exchange and 
would not lend itself to a high degree of specialization in one group 
or another. The folk names applied by the Shoshoni themselves 
to designate these various groups were, it will be remembered, 
arbitrary and flexible. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Fort 
Hall Shoshoni of today do not differentiate clearly between those 
people who at one time might have been called Tukudeka from 
those horse-owning people who were sometimes called Kutsundeka. 
It is with good reason that the Fort Hall Shoshoni maintain, "We 
are all the same people, all the way back." 

On the other hand, the situation among the Shoshoni of Wyo- 
ming would have been quite different. Here the Kutsundika or 
buffalo hunters took on a great number of the typical horse- 
owning Plains culture traits.'' 1 ' Hultkrantz says of these people, 
"No Shoshoneans deserve the name Plains Shoshoni better, because 
in cultural and social respects they approached the Plains Indians 
more than any other Shoshoni group, the Comanche Indians ex- 
cepted." 7 " Nearly the entire yearly cycle of Plains Shoshoni was 
spent in pursuit of the buffalo herds and the grazing of their 
horses. 71 

68. Liljeblad, 1957. op. cit., p. 47. 

69. Lowie, 1935, op. cit. 

70. Hultkrantz. 1961, op. cit., p. 30. 

71. Shimkin. 1947a, op. cit.. p. 279. cf. The recent monograph of the 
Murphys (Murphy, 1960, op. cit.) which was published following their work 
as expert witnesses on the side of the United States in the recent claims cases 
made by the Shoshoni against the government. These authors vigorously 
contradict the clear positions taken by Hultkrantz and Shimkin. The 
Murphys refuse to give much emphasis to any degree of specialization or 
Plains-affinity by the Eastern or Wyoming buffalo-hunting Shoshone. 
Instead they claim that the military superiority of Shoshoni enemies, notably 
the Blackfeet to the north, who had by 1750 acquired both the horse and 
ample firearms (from the British), forced the Shoshoni, whose hunting 
expeditions had once carried them as far north and east as Saskatchawan, 
to withdraw south and west toward the Basin-Plateau region. They further 
cite competition for the buffalo-hunting grounds east of the Rockies between 
the Shoshoni and the Blackfeet and Siouan tribes, Cheyennes, Crows (inter- 
mittently) and Arapahoes, and warfare which was documented from the 
beginning of the fur trade era about 1810, until several years after Washakie 
had agreed to lead his band onto the Wind River Reservation in 1868. The 
Murphys claim that this warfare and competition forced the Eastern Sho- 
shoni back toward a close geographical and cultural affinity with their 
Basin-Plateau relatives to the west of the Rockies. That the Wyoming 
Shoshoni were at times hard pressed to hold their own against their enemies 
is not doubted. However, the fact that the Wyoming Shoshoni did compete 
among the Plains tribes and did, in fact, persist in their pursuit of the buffalo 


In comparing the Wyoming Plains Shoshoni to any other of the 
Shoshoni peoples, such as the Sheepeaters, the cultural differences 
between the two are quite dramatic. The culture of the Sheepeater 
is essentially common to that of all ths Plateau-Shoshoneans before 
the coming of the horse. All of these Shoshoneans can be gener- 
ally classed as "walkers." With the coming of the horse cultural 
transformation among the Wyoming Plains Shoshoni was of greater 
magnitude than for any other Shoshoni group. The differences 
between the Wyoming Plains Shoshoni and any other Shoshoni 
peoples who remained "walkers" were of considerable note. It is 
not surprising, therefore, that the present-day Wind River Shoshoni 
clearly differentiate between those former people of the plains, 
the Kutsundeka, and those former people of the mountains, the 

It is my contention that the Tukudika people, described by Hult- 
krantz as being a distinct culture group, are very similar in all their 
cultural characteristics to the Tukudeka described by Liljeblad. 
The apparent contradictions of Hultkrantz and Liljeblad had been 
brought about by individually describing a highly similar type 
people in terms of the peoples and environments of a specific 

On the west, in Idaho, the Tukudeka are in an area populated 
by peoples of a generally homogeneous culture which the Tuku- 
deka themselves share. Wyoming, on the east, is an area in which 
the culture, or rather cultures, are heterogeneous, and in which the 
Tukudika are but one distinct group of several. 

The apparent anomaly existing between the classification of 
Hultkrantz and Liljeblad arises, then, from a difference in emphasis 
by the two men. But when the assumption is made that there were 
a particular people, namely Sheepeaters, several major and com- 
plex qualifications must be noted. 

In the first place, contact, including trade, diffusion of culture 
traits and intermarriage, did occur between all groups of Sho- 
shonean speaking peoples. The intensity of this contact, however, 
at any given point in time and in any geographical region, varied. 
The degree of intensity determined whether the particular groups 
in contact maintained an individual identity or became virtually 
one and the same people. Liljeblad emphasizes that the intense 
degree of contact among Shoshoni west of the Continental Divide 
made these people virtually one. Hultkrantz emphasizes that east 
of the Continental Divide specialization occurring among two 

is sufficient evidence that they embraced and maintained, over time, to a 
significant degree, the "buffalo complex" of the Plains. Thus it seems fair 
to assume that the buffalo-hunting Wyoming Shoshoni exhibited a high 
degree of specialization and noted cultural differences from their Basin- 
Plateau brethren of Idaho and the west. 


groups who concomitantly experienced little contact gave rise to 
two distinct peoples. 

Reservations must be noted, however, because Liljeblad recog- 
nizes specialization among the Shoshoni west of th^ Continental 
Divide, and on the other hand, Hultkrantz recognizes some degree 
of contact between groups east of the Continental Divide. 

Liljeblad, contrary to the emphasis he places on the similarities 
of the Idaho Shoshoni, notes that after the coming of the horse such 
things as wealth, evidenced by material culture items and horse 
ownership, began to reflect a class-distinction among different 
groups. "There was also an apparent regional contrast between 
the up-to-date attainments of progressive groups and the back- 
wardness of those remaining in isolation." In regard to the food 
names used by the Shoshoni, Lil'eblad says, "Indeed, as band 
organization and class dintinction evolved, these terms sometimes 
came to indicate a person's social standing. As a mode of expres- 
sion, 'buffalo-eaters' became synonymous with 'well-to-do people'; 
a 'buffalo-eater' would rank socially above a 'salmon-eater,' as 
would a 'big-salmon-eater.' " 71i 

On the other hand, Hultkrantz notes, ( contrary to his general 
thesis ) , that there were instances in the later stages of pre-reserva- 
tion time when class and ethnic divisions were broken down. A 
particular band or hunting group led by a man named Tavonasia 
spent most of its time on the plains following the typical yearly 
cycle of the Kutsundeka. Upon occasion, however, they took 
elk-hunting expeditions into Yellowstone Park. They were then 
called Tukudika. In addition, Hultkrantz notes a rather high 
degree of contact between the Tukudika, living on the southeastern 

72. Liljeblad, 1959, personal communication, op. cit. cf. Omer Stewart, 
1958, "Shoshone History and Social Organization", reprinted from // Tonw 
de Actus del XXXIII Conqreso International de Americanistas, Celehrado 
en San Jose de Costa Rica del 20 al 27 de Julio de 1958. pp. 134-142. 
Stewart goes even further than either Hultkrantz or Liljeblad in describing 
what he calls the development, during historic times among Shoshoni of 
both Wyoming and Idaho, of a "remarkably fluid, almost modern class 
system." (p. 137). "The actual history of the northern Shoshone Indians 
from 1805 to 1870 suggests that the ancient territorial food-named bands, 
with slight need for political leadership, were overlaid by a widespread, 
simple democratic tribal structure by which the wealthy horse-owners of 
all ancient local bands combined and followed the chief they wished. The 
larger groups combined or broke up as individual Shoshone Indians elected 
to give allegiance to one chief or another. This loose democratic govern- 
ment of wide geographical extent was the product of a single, unified, upper 
class of horse-using Indians. The older, local, food-named bands (of which 
the Tukudeka were presumably one) thus became, in fact, lower class 
people who lived in a small area which could be exploited on foot. The 
sedentary Shoshone, living beside the productive salmon fisheries, appear 
to be a middle class, intermediate between the poor Shoshococs, or Root 
Diggers, and the "real Shoshone", or "Buffalo Hunters." (p. 141.) 


slopes of the Wind River Mountains, with the Wyoming Plains 
Shoshoni. Horses were acquired by these Tukudika from the 

Hultkrantz maintains that the term Toyani was reserved for "iso- 
lated mountain settler"; in other words, the very people we have 
sought to describe. He claims that the Toyani of Yellowstone 
Park were among the most isolated, but again, notation must be 
made of the fact that the Wyoming Plains Shoshoni often called 
the Yellowstone Park Toyani "Panaiti Toyani" ("Bannock moun- 
tain dwellers") because there were Bannock-speaking peoples 
among them. This leads us to observation that the Sheepeaters of 
Wyoming, that is those mountain peoples living generally in the 
Rocky Mountains along the Continental Divide, had opportunity 
for contact with the Shoshoni to the west just as they undoubtedly 
met in the summer elk-hunting expeditions of their brethren from 
the eastern plains. The Murphys document in some detail 73 
transmontane hunting excursions to the upper drainage of the 
Missouri, made by the Bannocks of Idaho after they had acquired 
the horse. A portion of one of the routes followed by these hunt- 
ers, and now known as the Bannock Trail, passed through Yellow- 
stone Park, on the way to the buffalo range in Montana. In 
addition, W. G. 74 also mentions that his people (meaning the Idaho 
Shoshoni in general) often made elk-hunting expeditions to Yel- 
lowstone Park itself. Contact probably occurred, therefore, be- 
tween these migrating hunters from both east and west, and the 
supposedly "isolated" Tukudika or Toyani. 

To summarize, let us disregard for a moment the nuances and 
various emphases placed upon the problem of identification by the 
anthropologists whose geographically-oriented works we have just 
reviewed. By using a few assumptions let us attempt to reduce 
this complex problem into a set of easily understandable gen- 

First, let us assume that the variously named "mountain dwell- 
ers" or "Sheepeaters" noted in the early historical sources were 
for the most part the very people whom we have sought to identify 
through ethnographic material and field work as "Sheepeaters." 

Let us further assume, until it is proven otherwise, that much 
of the late prehistoric and historic archaeological evidence of 
Indian habitation which is to be found above 7,000 feet in the 
mountains of Idaho and Wyoming, was left by the Sheepeaters. 

And finally, let us assume that most of the culture to be de- 
scribed in detail in Part Two was shared by all peoples identifiable 
as Sheepeaters, regardless of time or location. This culture was 

73. Murphy, 1960, op. cit., p. 328. cf. Replogle, 1956, 

74. W.G., personal interview, op. cit. 

op. cit. 


characteristic of small independent groups of people who were 
alike in the subsistence patterns they practiced but who were 
absolutely lacking in any sort of territorial or political unity. And 
while it is recognized that the Wyoming Tukudika and the Idaho 
Tukudeka were distinct peoples, the exact differences existing be- 
tween them or between any group of Sheepeaters cannot be known 
at this time. However, we can surmise that some such differences 
were naturally due to ecological circumstances persisting in the 
different mountain homelands of these scattered peoples, and that 
other differences must have been due to the various degrees of 
mixing and splitting which seem to have occurred at various times 
and places among the Shoshoni-speaking populations. 

Therefore, the caveat will be maintained which recognizes differ- 
ences among various Sheepeaters at a given time or place, and it 
will be emphasized that the term "Sheepeater" might most advan- 
tageously be employed in the adjectival sense. In this way we are 
better able to cope with the unmistakable archaeological, historical 
and ethnographic evidence which leads us to describe a particular 
culture, while at the same time allowing room for the inevitable 
differences in that culture. 

We have reached a point then, in the definition of terms whereby 
we identify as "Sheepeater-like 1 ' peoples all those Shoshoni-speak- 
ing Indians who, throughout the greater part of their lives, pos- 
sessed most or all of the culture to be described in detail in Part 


Sheepeaters once lived through all of the mountainous country 
of present-day northwestern Wyoming, southwestern Montana and 
central Idaho. This vast region of distribution includes the Big 
Horn Mountains, the Absaroka Mountains, the Yellowstone Pla- 
teau, the Wind River Mountains (as far south as South Pass), 75 
the Teton Range, the many ranges of southwestern Montana, the 
Lemhi Range, and the Salmon River Mountains. 7 ''' Nearly all of 
these mountains rise from an elevation of 5,000 feet to over 1 1,500 
feet. Relief in these mountains is exceptionally rugged, since the 
majority of them are uplifted and deeply dissected volcanic blocks. 
(The Wind River and Big Horn Mountains are not of igneous 
origin but have a rather smooth upland surface. However, can- 
yons draining the slopes have made the topography here extremely 

75. Hultkrantz, Ake, 1958, "Tribal Divisions within the Eastern Sho- 
shoni of Wyoming", Proceed, of 32nd International Corn*, of Americanists 
(1958) pp. 148-154, p. 152. 

76. Raisz, Erwin, 1954, Landforms map of the United States. 


Encompassed in the span of this relief are four major ecological 
zones. 77 These are the Transitional zone, located roughly between 
5,000-7,500 feet; the Canadian zone, located roughly between 
7,500-9,500 feet; the Hudsonian zone, located peripherally to the 
Canadian zone and roughly between 9,500-10,500 feet; and the 
Arctic-alpine zone, located above 10,500 feet. 

In the Transitional zone cottonwood trees and willows abound 
in the river bottoms, and good range feed is provided by the short 
buffalo grass growing on the foothills. On the mountain slopes of 
the Canadian zone are found heavy stands of conifers, and groves 
of aspen and alders grow in the protected canyons. Many kinds 
of edible plants are found here as well as game of all kinds. The 
Hudsonian and Arctic-alpine zones both lie in the vicinity of 
timberline and become the habitat for elk, deer, and mountain 
sheep during the summer months. 

Of the climatic factors in this region snow is the most important. 
Depth of snow on Yellowstone Lake in February averages five feet 
on the level. Westerly winds sweeping the mountains take snow 
from the exposed places and pile it in great drifts. These drifts 
last until June or July. But once most of the snow leaves the 
Arctic-alpine zone above timberline, the long ridges and broad 
upland plateaus there provide easy traveling, and the mountain 
passes become heavily used by both game animals and their 

Winter temperatures in the Transitional and Canadian zones 
range from 50 degrees above zero to 50 below. "Chinook" winds 
warming the mountains for several weeks at intervals during the 
winter provide an opportunity for travel and hunting. Sheltered 
canyons at 7,000 feet often record higher temperatures than do 
the windswept open prairie and desert land at lower elevations. 

Rainfall during the summer is slight, and most of the water for 
the many streams and lakes in the mountains is provided by melting 

The particular environment of the mountain region had much to 
do in shaping the culture of the Sheepeaters. It seems fair to 
assume that the mountains isolated to a large degree people living 
there from their Shoshoni neighbors to the east and west. The 
ecological conditions of the mountains helped to create a sort of 
cultural "backwater" in respect to historical events occurring in 
neighboring regions. 

Considered in the light of White's theories 78 on cultural evolu- 
tion, the Sheepeaters are an excellent example of a group of people 
who did not evolve into a different cultural type at the introduction 

77. Shimkin, 1947a, op. cit. 

78. White, Leslie A., 1959, The Evolution of Culture, New York. 


of some new cultural catalyst. With the introduction of the horse 
to North America the Sheepeaters did not undergo the transforma- 
tion experienced by their kin, the Wyoming Plains Shoshoni. To 
the contrary, the Sheepeaters kept the status quo, culturally speak- 
ing, by retaining culture typical of all Basin-Plateau Shoshonean- 
speaking "walkers."' 1 ' 

Although in this respect the Sheepeater culture could be said 
to be stagnant, cultural specialization did occur. Culture traits, 
alone characteristic of the Sheepeater, developed. These special- 
ized traits "overlay" the basic pre-horse Shoshonean-type s " culture. 
This specialization was, I maintain, in response to the particular 
ecological conditions in which the Sheepeaters found themselves. 
It included the building of traps for large game and the use of dogs 
in hunting it, the making of a mountain sheep-horn bow, and the 
manufacture of warm winter clothing. Therefore it was both 
specialization and stagnation which helped shape the Sheepeater 

This culture was characterized by an elementary sociopolitical 
organization typical of the pre-horse Basin-Plateau Shoshoneans, 
and consisting of politically isolated, small, economically inde- 
pendent groups composed of one or two nuclear-families. The 
yearly subsistence cycle of these family groups centered principally 
around their pursuit of large game — deer, elk and mountain sheep, 
which represented their staple foods. The economics of such a 
subsistence pattern necessitated the simplest of social organiza- 
tions. Elk, deer and mountain sheep are best hunted by less than 
four persons, and rarely would a kill of over three animals be 
made. ( Driving these animals into traps is an exception. ) The 
amount of meat from one or several of these animals is enough 
to supply a small family group with food for a week or more, but 
would not be sufficient for a large group. Campsites selected by 
the Sheepeater usually could accomodate only a small group and 
foot travel between these sites would be best done in such a group. 
Such economically oriented "domestic groups" (as labeled by 
Liljeblad ) were generally found among many of the Shoshonean 
peoples before the coming of the horse. 

Archaeological evidence allows us to make certain assumptions 
about the yearly subsistence pattern of the Sheepeaters. During 
the summer months the large game animals were followed on their 
migrations to the high and beautiful alpine pastures of the timber- 
line country. The Sheepeaters carried few possessions on these 
high summer hunts, and probably moved camp often. If game had 
been frightened out of the upper basins of one drainage, it could 

79. Hultkrantz, 1958, op. cit., p. 152. 

80. Steward, 1938, op. cit. 


be quickly located in the headwaters of the next small drainage. 
Marches of less than ten miles over the 10,000 foot divides would 
bring the Sheepeater to a fresh country and a fresh kill could be 

As the game moved to lower elevations with the coming winter, 
the Sheepeaters did likewise. Most probably they spent the win- 
ters in semi-permanent camps in sheltered creek bottoms and 
canyons. Snowshoes were necessary for travel here, and these 
are recorded in the literature. 81 J. T. claims that the Sheepeaters 
made showshoe frames from mountain sheep horns. 82 Had any 
Sheepeaters owned horses they would have been forced to winter 
in the lower elevations of the foothills. Likewise, if a hard winter 
forced the game out of the mountains, the Sheepeaters, in all lik- 
lihood followed them. 

Secondary activities, however, were not precluded from the 
yearly subsistence cycle of the Sheepeaters. Berries, roots, herbs, 
nuts and insects were gathered, and game birds and small mammals 
were eaten. Short migrations out of the mountains to the habitats 
of various edible roots might have been made. Contact with other 
Shoshoni at this time was probable and trade would have been 
carried on. Also during the mid-summer months, spawning fish 
may have been caught in the meandering streams of mountain 
meadows. In the fall, trips were also made to berry patches. 

The rugged terrain of this mountainous country had a large 
influence upon the traveling done by the Sheepeaters. It is natural 
that most of them were "walkers" since without well-cut trails, use 
of the horse is difficult. As an exception, Hultkrantz maintains 
that a few Sheepeaters had contact with Kutsendeka and acquired 
horses from them. This contact occurred in the southern portions 
of the Wind River Mountains and some of the Sheepeaters there 
roamed for short periods of time in the Green River Valley. In 
fact, it seems that some of these "Sheepeaters" were really impov- 
erished Plains Shoshoni who had lost their horses or had been 
forced by the powerful Algonquin and Siouan tribes to abandon 
their former life on the plains. 83 

Sheepeaters living in present-day Yellowstone Park and the 
adjoining Absaroka Mountains would have been much more iso- 
lated from contact with horse-owning Indians than those who lived 
in the Wind River Mountains. (The isolated Tukudeka of Yellow- 
stone Park were called Toyani or "mountain-dwellers" by the 

81. Hultkrantz, Ake, 1957, "The Indians in Yellowstone Park", Annals 
of Wyoming, Vol. 29, No. 2, pp. 125-149, October, 1957, p. 135. 

82. J.T., personal interview, cf., footnote 24. 

83. Hultkrantz, 1958, op. cit., p. 152. 


other Shoshoni. ) M The chance that they would have owned horses 
is therefore minimal. 

In lieu of the horse the Sheepeaters had domesticated dogs, but 
sources are at variance in regard to the use made of these dogs by 
different Shoshoni groups. Liljeblad*" 1 says that prior to the 
introduction of the horse, large dogs were used by all Shoshoni 
for both transportation and hunting. Jack Contor 86 says that the 
travois was in use before the coming of the horse, and that dogs 
either pulled a travois or packed loads, depending on their size.* 7 
J.T. said the Sheepeaters had dogs which were better property in 
the mountains than a horse. He said these dogs were "big — like a 
Russian hound." 88 It will be remembered that Osborne Russell*'-' 
observed Sheepeaters in the Lamar River of Yellowstone with 30 
dogs which were used for packing. On the other hand, Hultkrantz 
maintained that the dogs belonging to the Sheepeaters of Idaho 
were not big enough to be used for transportation and were used 
only for pursuing game. 90 He is supported in this by C.G., 111 who 
said that her father had had two dogs that he used to run mountain 
sheep in a circle back to him, but she said that these dogs were 
never used for packing. ! '- 

Even with dogs the Sheepeaters undoubtedly carried most of 
their possessions on their backs. This limited both the amount that 
they could move from camp to camp and the distance they could 

84. Ibid., p. 152; and Hultkrantz. 1961. op. cit., p. 34. cf. Hoebel also 
uses toyani to refer specifically to the Yellowstone Park tukudeka. Tuku- 
deka living in the mountains around the Salmon River, Idaho, were called 
toyaino by their neighbors, cf. Hultkrantz. 1961. op. cit.. p. 27. 

85. Liljeblad, cf. footnote 8. 

86. Jack Contor is head of the welfare office in Blackfoot, Idaho, and in 
that capacity has had contact (unfortunately) with most of the Fort Hall 
Indians. He has made the history and culture of the Northern Shoshone his 
hobby, and he has learned much from W.G. and his wife. He has compiled 
an ethnography of the Northern or Fort Hall Shoshoni which unfortunately 
lacks documentation. 

87. Contor. Jack, Manuscript, The Pre-Reservution Culture of the North- 
ern Shoshoni, Route 3, Blackfoot, Idaho, p. 8. 

88. J.T., cf. footnote 52. 

89. Cf. footnote 32. 

90. Hultkrantz, 1961, op. cit.. p. 27. 

91. Personal interview with C.G., Fort Hall, Idaho. December 30, 1959. 
C.G.'s father was a tukudeka of the Lemhi region and her mother was an 
agaideka from the same place. Her father was the principal informant from 
the Lemhi district for Julian Steward in 1936. C.G. made several articles 
of material culture for Steward at that time. Both Dr. Sven Liljeblad and 
Jack Contor recognize C.G. as being very honest. 

92. C.G. denied telling Jack Contor that these dogs had been used to pull 
a travois. This contradiction has not been resolved, cf. Lowie, Robert H., 
1924, "Notes on Shoshonean Ethnography", Anthrop. Papers of the Am. 
Museum of Nat. Hist.. Vol. 20, part 3, New York. Lowie says that the 
Shoshoni never ate their dogs. pp. 215-216. 


travel. Pack straps were made of skin or woven vegetable fibers. 
Goods were wrapped and carried in woven sage-brush-bark bas- 
kets, and food was carried in these baskets. Cradles were made of 
skin coverings over an oval structure of willow sticks held together 
within a hoop-shaped rim. Clay pots and steatite vessels 03 were 
too heavy to be moved from camp to camp and were therefore 
cached. 94 

The clothing of the Sheepeaters was probably very similar to 
the clothing made and used by all the Shoshonean Plateau peo- 
ples. 95 A v/oven rabbit-skin blanket is nearly universally recorded 
by ethnographers 96 and was probably used by the Sheepeaters as 
well. Strips of rabbit skin were woven tightly into a cloth and the 
white tails were left to stand out in a zigzag pattern on the fluffy 
weft. 97 

After the coming of the horse, it was in the manufacture of 
clothing that the Sheepeaters became recognized by other Shoshoni 
as specialists. Liljeblad 9 * says that as furriers they excelled all 
other Shoshoni and their produce was sought in trade by both 
Indians and the white "mountain men." Again, Osborne Russell 
recorded this of his encounter with Sheepeaters in Yellowstone 
Park: 99 "We obtained a large number of Elk, Deer and Sheep skins 
from them of the finest quality and three neatly dressed Panther 
Skins in return for awls axes kettles tobacco ammunition etc. They 
would throw the skins at our feet and say 'give us whatever you 
please for them and we are satisfied. We can get plenty of skins 
but we do not often see the Tibuboes', (or people of the sun)." 

In the tanning of hides, animals' brains were used to soften them. 
The Sheepeaters were in the habit of repeating the process with 
two brains to a hide instead of one as did other Shoshoni, thereby 
producing dressed skins of great quality. Even before the coming 
of the horse the Sheepeaters had learned to make tailored skin 
clothing, presumably in response to the severe environment in 
which they chose to live. Two mountain sheep hides were used 
in making a woman's gown, and men's shirts were made from elk, 
deer, or mountain sheep also. Mountain sheep skins were con- 
sidered too cold for footwear, however, and unsuitable for robes 

93. Liljeblad, 1957, op. cit., pp. 35-37. 

94. Personal interview on December 17, 1959, with staff member, Wyo- 
ming State Archives and Historical Department, who reported that typical 
Shoshonean steatite vessels had been found near the Medicine Wheel, Big 
Horn Mountains, Wyoming. 

95. Lowie's (1924) use of the term. 

96. Lowie, 1924, op. cit., p. 216; Steward, 1943, op. cit., p. 317; Liljeblad, 
1957, op. cit., p. 37. 

97. Liljeblad, 1957, op. cit., p. 37. 

98. Ibid., pp. 97-98. 

99. Russell, 1955, op. cit., p. 27. 


and blankets. A hunter's mocassins were made from badger skin, 
supposedly being very tough; and the typical single-piece Shoshoni 
moccasin 1 "" was made for both men and women from deer skins. 
Elk-skin moccasins were also made but were less preferred. Head- 
bands were made of fox skin but these were rare. Coyote skin was 
used for ear flaps in men's caps and for leggings. Antelope skins 
were used for a man's breechcloth and were also sewn together for 
blankets. As the brittle hollow hair was quickly worn off these 
blankets, snowshoe-rabbit skins were then sewed in as a lining, 
making the blanket very warm. Before 1900 a few wolves roamed 
in the mountains of Wyoming and Idaho. 1 " 1 To kill one was a 
great achievement, and a blanket made from two wolf hides was 
the ne plus ultra of Sheepeater handicraft. 

J.T. claims that Plains Indians traded eagerly for the clothes 
made by Sheepeaters. In addition, the Sheepeaters traded moun- 
tain sheep hides in exchange for buffalo hides. 

One other specialty practiced by the Sheepeaters, recognized by 
all other Shoshoni, was the manufacture of very powerful bows 
from the horn of a mountain sheep. Osborne Russell reported, 
"The bows were beautifully wrought from Sheep, Buffaloe and Elk 
horns secured with Deer and Elk sinews and ornamented with 
porcupine quills and generally about 3 feet long." 1 " 1 ' 

These bows were made from the thick ridge on the upper side 
of the ram's horn. The horn was heated over the coals to soften 
it and then the naturally curling horn was straightened. Unwanted 
portions of the horn were whittled away, and the remaining solid 
piece was 1 8 to 24 inches long and one inch thick at the butt. Heat 
was again applied, making the horn semi-plastic, and it was 
smoothed and shaped by pounding with a round stone. The end 
result was a very smooth and evenly tapered piece which was 
oval-shaped in cross section. A duplicate of this was made from 
the ram's other horn, and the two pieces were beveled at their butt 
ends and fitted together. A separate piece of horn about five 
inches long and as wide as the butt ends was placed at their junc- 
tion. Wet rawhide was then wrapped around the three pieces. 
When it dried, this made a very firm joint. Sinew strips which 
came from the neck and back of large animals were glued to the 
back of the bow to give it added strength. The glue was made by 
placing shavings from the hoof and small bits of thick neck-skin 
or back-skin in boiling water, and then as a thick scum formed, 
it was skimmed off. 

It took two months for a skilled specialist to turn out such a bow. 

100. Steward, 1943, op. cit., p. 326. 

101. Seton, Ernest Thompson, 1929, Lives of Game Animals, 3 vols., 
New York. 

102. Russell, 1955, op. cit., pp. 26-27. 


and other Shoshoni people and even people of other tribes traded 
eagerly for them. "A well-made sheep-horn bow would sell for 
from five to ten good ponies." 103 These bows were so well known 
among all Shoshoni peoples that present-day Shoshoni still speak 
of them. F.R., a Shoshoni living at Fort Hall, claims that such a 
bow could have put an arrow completely through a buffalo. J.T., 
of Wind River, tells of knowing a very old man who came to the 
Reservation and brought with him a sheep-horn bow. But the 
man has died and the bow cannot be found. J.T. thinks the bow 
may be buried with him. 

Arrows had to be made from wood that was straight and had 
few knots. The choice material used by the Shoshoni was dog- 
wood (Cornus nuttallii) and mock orange (Philadelphus lewisii or 
Syringa). In making arrow shafts the wood was straightened with 
a wrench. Such wrenches were made by drilling a hole in a large 
rib bone. Shaft-smoothers were made from two grooved pieces of 
sandstone and a type of "sandpaper" was even made from sand 
glued to buckskin. The arrows themselves were made in three 
sections, each about four inches long, and these were jointed with 
glue or boiled pine gum and sinew. Owl or eagle wing feathers 
were used because they did not absorb blood and thereby soften. 104 

Before the Sheepeaters learned to make and use the bow and 
arrow, they probably used the spear common to all Basin-Plateau 
peoples. 105 Spears would have been especially effective in dis- 
patching game that had been driven into traps constructed by the 
Sheepeaters. Spear points (Fig. 2B) as well as arrow points (Fig. 
2 A) can be found at surface sites throughout the mountains of 
Wyoming and Idaho. The great majority of these sites 106 are 
strikingly similar, and from their characteristic association with a 
particular environment a reasonable picture of the habits of the 
people who left them can be reconstructed. At these sites the 
ground is littered with chipped stone which includes agatized 
wood, flint, chalcedony, obsidian, and a very hard, small-grained, 
black volcanic rock. 107 From this material the Sheepeater made 

103. All of the above account comes from Jack Contor. Reference to 
such bows appears often in the literature, but I know of no other description 
of the actual construction of such bows. 

104. Ibid. 

105. Steward, 1943, op. cit., p. 314. 

106. Innumerable such sites have been found by the writer in the Absa- 
roka Mountains and in Yellowstone Park. 

107. The agatized wood was formed in conjunction with the volcanic 
activity in this region and can be found outcropping in many places in the 
Absaroka Mountains. Likewise, obsidian is found in several places through- 
out Yellowstone Park, the foremost being Obsidian Cliff, midway between 
Norris and Mammoth. The source of material used as cores was close at 
hand, then, for the Sheepeaters. 







iXEC? - EATfrt 

5/»pAA PO»7i 


CU»»,(i«l by 3>^.G-r^ A. ^^^, U^«r.. 7 .f W^i*, 


Fig. 2 

knives, stone awls, spear points, arrow points and scrapers. 
(Fig. 2 ) Broken pieces of all of these articles have been found at 
the sites, as well as some perfect objects. The majority of the 
artifacts at the sites, however, are large flakes removed from the 
outside of core rocks. These cores have been found partially 
buried in the turf. Small flakes produced in making the tools and 
points themselves are also in abundance. It is probable that these 
sites were used throughout a long span of aboriginal time. 1(ls 

All of the sites lie near timberline, which is 10,000 feet in the 
Absaroka Mountains. They are all situated at vantage points at or 
near the top of the many small drainage passes in the region. 
Game trails make their way, even today, through all of these passes 
and the majority of movement by game animals is habitually along 
these trails. 109 During the summer months the large game in these 

108. As all of these sites are in very exposed locations, weathering has 
prevented any stratification. All of the articles except some half-buried 
cores and bones (probably a rabbit) are presently on the surface. 

109. The writer had two similar experiences which help to dramatize the 
striking proximity between these sites, or "chipping grounds" as they are 
called, and the haunts of game animals. On the Buffalo Plateau which lies 
on the Continental Divide in the southern portion of the Absaroka Moun- 
tains, chipping grounds are found at every pass along the divide. One site 
was covered by an especially large amount of stone chips and a band of 
twenty mountain sheep were seen grazing within 500 yards of the site. In 



zones, bighorn mountain sheep (Ovis canadansis) , Rocky Moun- 
tain mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus), and American elk or 
wapiti (Cervus canadensis) , usually lie or "bed down" below tim- 
berline during the hot part of the day when flies are abundant. 
Then as late afternoon approaches they begin to feed along the 
game trails, through the passes, and out onto the nearby treeless 
upland ridges and plateaus. 

It is not hard to imagine (Fig. 3) a family of Sheepeaters coming 
to these sites and carrying with them cores of stone as well as their 
bows and arrows. They would sit on the ground all day chipping 
out projectile points and various tools. Then as game was sighted, 
the men of the group would get up slowly and quietly and leave the 
women and children behind. Testing the wind and taking advan- 
tage of cover, they would then stalk the game. If they were lucky, 
a kill would be made. The abundance of chippings at these 
grounds indicates that many groups of families frequented the sites 
in this manner. 

The Sheepeaters not only stalked game animals but used other 
techniques as well. As has been noted, all sources of information 
are in agreement that dogs were used for hunting purposes. These 
dogs would help the Sheepeaters to drive game 110 into specially 


Fig. 3 

Drawing by Henry H. Blagden 

Hoodoo Basin which is again on the Continental Divide but in the northeast 
corner of Yellowstone Park and in the northern extreme of the Absaroka 
Mountains, chipping grounds were again found. Here within 50 yards 
of one site a band of over thirty elk were "bedded down." 

110. These traps were probably constructed mainly to catch the moun- 
tain sheep as these animals are more easily driven than elk or deer. 




Fig. 4 

Drawing by Henry H '. Blagden 

constructed traps. As with the chipping grounds these traps are 
located at many places throughout the mountains. Such traps are 
especially plentiful along the southern boundary of the Absaroka 
Mountains and along the adjacent northern portion of the Wind 
River Mountains. An example 111 (Fig. 4) is found on a ridge at 
about 7,300 feet between Wiggins Fork and Bear Creek. A wing 
made of logs (now rotted) extends for a quarter of a mile. An- 
other wing running off at an acute angle from the first extends 100 
yards to a small cliff. At the apex of the "V" formed by these 
wings a ramp has been built up of logs and rocks. Below the drop 
off of the ramp a pen about ten by ten feet was constructed. A tree 
well over 100 years old is now growing out of this pen. Another 
trap on Jakey's Fork of the Wind River consisted of a large pit that 
had been excavated, obviously requiring considerable labor. Both 
these traps are located in the winter-range environment of moun- 
tain sheep. 1 12 

Another trap is located above Middle Fork and Deep Creek in 
the Wind River Mountains. This was built at 10,000 feet on the 
edge of a very steep ridge. It was so constructed that it blocked a 
major game trail descending the sidehill. Game scared down this 

111. Descriptions of these traps came from Wayne Darnall and Jock 
Conley, both Wyoming game wardens living in Dubois, Wyoming. 

112. Interestingly enough, the Wyoming Game and Fish Commission 
has constructed a trap for capturing mountain sheep within a short distance 
of the old Sheepeater trap on Jakey's Fork. 


natural trail would be stopped by the semicircular trap and then 
killed by pursuing hunters. 113 

To make use of these traps the Sheepeaters must have hunted 
in groups, but the size of the group would not necessarily have 
exceeded the size of one or two nuclear families and therefore 
would have no significant effect upon social organization. The 
head of the family probably designated who would help drive the 
game and who would lie in wait near the traps to kill it. 

One other type of trap was described by C. G. 114 She claimed 
that her father's people had once firmly implanted sharpened sticks 
in the ground. Deer were then driven toward the sticks and some 
impaled themselves as they tried to jump. 

Throughout the mountains are also many man-made structures 
which were apparently used as blinds by solitary hunters. Some, 
such as those located in the Owl Creek Mountains above timberline 
(Fig. 5) nn are built wholly above ground and are made of rocks 
piled four feet high in a semicircle five feet across. Miles of open, 
upland plateau country can be seen from these blinds. Another 
type n,i consists of a small pit dug out level with the ground. The 

v . .^aim ..x 

' #> : 

;,;, : .^;* 

^*' '\ 


Fig. 5 

Photo by Bob Edgar 

113. Personal interview with Hugh Otte, Lander, Wyoming, December 
27, 1959. Otte, a horse-packer and rancher, has seen many evidences of 
Sheepeaters in the Wind River Mountains. 

114. C.G., cf. footnote 91. 

1 15. The pictures in Figures 4 and 5 were taken by Bob Edgar who lives 
in Cody, Wyoming. Edgar found six blinds as are pictured here on the Owl 
Creek Mountains. 

116. Darnall and Conley, cf. footnote 111. 


pit has been nearly covered with logs and rocks. These blinds are 
located close to cliffs. Mountain sheep, in order to see below 
them, are in the habit of walking along the edges of these cliffs. 
In the blinds the hunter merely waited for passing game. 117 

Although the Sheepeaters probably hunted large animals per- 
sistently throughout the year, game meat 118 was by no means all 
that they ate. Small animals such as various species of marmot, 
beaver, muskrat, pack rat, wood rat, porcupine, ground squirrel, 
red squirrel, fox, coyote, mountain lion, bobcat, badger, cottontail 
rabbit and snowshoe rabbit were eaten. 11 '-' Ducks, geese and small 
birds were killed if possible. Most meat was broiled on coals, 
some was baked in a hole which was dug and then covered with 
fire. Some was boiled in water heated by hot rocks and contained 
in a heavy hide receptacle. If a large kill was made, some of the 
meat might have been dried on racks in the sun. But it should be 
remembered that the amount a Sheepeater could carry from camp 
to camp was limited by how much he and his dogs could pack. 
J. T. claims that the Sheepeaters professed a strong dislike for fish, 
presumably because only the poorest of Shoshoni ate fish. 120 If 
any fishing was done for the many trout and whitefish living in the 
mountain streams it was done with a snare. Large snare hooks 
were carved from the shoulderblades of deer or mountain sheep 
and fastened to a long pole. 1 - 1 The Murphys report that Wyoming 
Sheepeaters speared trout in the spring and summer and that "nets, 
traps and weirs were apparently not used." 122 

The Sheepeaters were similar to all the Basin-Plateau Shosho- 
nean peoples in that they were gatherers as well as hunters. They 
probably utilized all possible foods in their otherwise hostile 
environment. Edible herbs, roots, berries, and nuts can be found 
in the mountains of Wyoming and Idaho. The camas root 
{Quemasia), which grows between Baker, Oregon, and the Camas 
Prairie in Idaho, was widely used by all peoples of that region. In 

117. Liljeblad (1957. op. cit., p. 27) describes a special stalking tech- 
nique. A preserved head and skin of a deer or mountain sheep was worn by 
the hunter who slowly worked his way close to a feeding herd. It is not 
known whether the Sheepeaters used this technique. 

118. Moose are present in scattered numbers in the mountains and were 
probably killed if possible by the Sheepeaters. Antelope may have been 
hunted on forays to the plains. Hultkrantz ( 1961. op. cit.. p. 35) cites such 
a case. Contor (Ms., op. cit.) says that bear was not eaten, but Liljeblad 
( 1957, op. cit., p. 38) says it was. 

119. Shimkin, 1947a, op. cit.. p. 265; Steward, 1943. op. cit.. p. 299; 
Contor, Ms. op. cit.. p. 10; Liljeblad, 1957, op. cit., p. 97. 

120. Liljeblad, (1957, op. cit., p. 29) and Shimkin (1947a, op. cit.. p. 
265) contradict Contor somewhat and say fish was eaten by Plateau people 
and Wyoming Plains Shoshoni. 

121. Contor, Ms., op. cit.. p. 35. 

122. Murphy, 1960, op. cit., p. 310. 


addition, some peoples journeyed great distances to harvest and 
preserve this food. Shoshoni from the Lemhi district, including 
Sheepeaters, visited the Camas Prairie. 128 A digging stick was 
used by the women and was sharpened and then hardened in the 
fire. Its upper end was padded 124 or fixed with a cross-piece 
handle of bone or elk-antler. 125 A good digging stick was a prized 
possession and was often willed by a woman at her death. Roots 
were carried back to camp in cylindrical gathering baskets and 
after being cleaned, they were cooked in earth ovens (simple pits) 
for several days. If the bulbs were to be stored for future use, 
they were pounded into a mash, made into loaves, cooked for a 
second time in the earth pits, and lastly patted into thin cakes 
which were dried in the sun. 12(i Bitterroot (Lewisia rediviva), 
found in central and northern Idaho, was prepared merely by dry- 
ing. (It was readily accepted in trade by the Couer d'Alene and 
Nez Perce Indians who might travel some distance to procure 
it. J 1 - 7 Other edible roots probably utilized by the Sheepeaters 
were the "tobacco-root" ( Valeriana obovata edulis ) and several 
species of Carum, the false caraway. 12 * Yamp {Carwn gairdneri) 
grows along the streams and in mountain meadows in central 
Idaho. It was sometimes eaten raw. Otherwise it was boiled, 
dried, pounded into flour, and stored. When eaten it was mixed 
with melted fat. The mano-metate, typical of all gathering peoples 
of the Basin-Plateau region, may have been used by the Sheepeater 
women in grinding these foods, but because of its weight, like the 
steatite vessels, was in all likelihood cached. 

Two vegetables probably utilized by the Sheepeater were Cheno- 
podium, called "lamb's quarters" by whites, and Claytonia, called 
"miner's lettuce". 12!) Pinon pine nuts, gathered before they were 
stolen by red squirrels and Clark's Nutcrackers, would also have 
been eaten. 

Included in the many edible berries gathered in the late summer 
and fall were huckleberries, chokecherries, sarvisberries, currants, 
blackberries, and gooseberries. All could be eaten raw, but some 
were ground, seeds and all, then dried in cakes and stored. Others 
were boiled and a soup made. Root flour could be added to 
chokecherry soup in order to make a thick pudding. 180 

Insects, such as ants found under rocks in mountain meadows, 
and large grubs found in rotting fallen logs, may have been resorted 

123. Liljeblad, 1957, op. cit., p. 106. 

124. Contor, Ms., op. cit. 

125. Liljeblad, 1957, op. cit., p. 27. 

126. Ibid., pp. 27-28. 

127. Ibid. 

128. Ibid. 

129. Ibid. 

130. Contor, Ms., op- cit. 



to for food by the Sheepeater. Big ants were roasted on a low fire 
until only their large black tail segment remained, and then these 
were eaten. Grasshoppers were not eaten. 1 '' 1 

Traps and chipping grounds remain as clear-cut evidence of the 
Sheepeaters' previous existence. Dwellings are the third archaeo- 
logical item of this sort. As with the traps and chipping grounds, 
dwelling sites have been found throughout the mountains of Wyo- 
ming and Idaho. One such site 1 ' 12 was found at about 9,500 feet 
on the Buffalo Plateau in the southern Absaroka Mountains. It 
was a half mile below a major chipping ground and pass, and it was 
located on the edge of a snow-fed stream in a heavy stand of large 
Englemann's spruce. It consisted of several logs and stumps (now 
rotted) pulled together between two targe trees to form a wind- 
break. In addition, what could have been a fireplace remained. Its 
proximity to the chipping grounds and game trails 500 feet higher 
at the head of the small mountain valley leaves little doubt that the 
same people sat on the chipping grounds and hunted by day and 
then returned to this makeshift camp at dark. 

Other dwellings are found at about 7,000 feet in the bottoms of 
steep-sided canyons. These canyons are filled with aspen, pine 
and alders, and are well protected from the weather. The dwell- 
ings found here are nearly identical in their construction. (Fig. 6 ) 
The dwellings have been called "wickiups"' both by present-day 
Shoshoni 1:!:j and local whites. A great number of poles, up to 100, 

Fig. 6 

Photo by Bob Edgar 

131. Liljeblad, 1957, op. cit.. p. 37, p. 96. 

132. Found by the writer in August, 1958. 

133. M.P., (personal interview, cf. footnote 57) recognized the term 
"wickiup" and said it meant "lodge" or "house". She said her people (the 
Wyoming Plains Shoshoni) did not use as many poles as did the lukndeka. 


from 8 to 3 inches in diameter and 10 to 18 feet long, have been 
braced together at the top to form a conical structure with a height 
of 5 to 8 feet and a diameter of 6 to 9 feet. A small triangular door 
opening is left. Most of these wickiups are made from aspen poles 
which would have been easier to cut than pine. These poles have 
rotted at their bases over time, thus decreasing the height and 
diameter of the wickiup. A covering of pine boughs was probably 
thatched in shingle fashion on to the poles. This technique was 
employed by all Shoshoni and is described by Lowie. 134 J. T. 
claims that the Sheepeaters were able to make a more weatherproof 
wickiup than were the plains people. He said one or two families 
lived in the Sheepeater wickiup. A covering of mountain sheep, 
elk, or deer hide may have been used by some Sheepeaters, though 
they lacked the large and heavy tanned buffalo hides used by 
horse-owning Shoshoni. 

These wickiups probably served as warm dwellings during resi- 
dence in the semi-permanent winter camps. Game of all kinds 
winters on the open ridges surrounding these canyons and only an 
exceptionally severe winter forces them to lower elevations. Given 
the warm clothing provided by the Sheepeater techniques, and 
given enough game herds, life in these sheltered canyons would not 
be unreasonable. 

A third type of dwelling was found 135 at about 6,000 feet. It is 
located on the west side of Rattlesnake Creek which runs into the 
Shoshone Reservoir west of Cody. This is an open foothill region 
where the ground is often bare in the winter time, affording easy 
grazing for both horses and game. This dwelling site was peculiar. 
In fact, I have found none resembling it recorded in any literature. 
Building material had been taken from large-based pines. These 
pines had been struck by lightning and their centers had been 
burned and rotted until only an outer shell was left. Slabs 12 
feet by 2 feet by six inches can be stripped from this shell. Walls 
of the structures were built up in a log-cabin fashion and they 
remain about four feet high today. A rough doorway was left on 
one side. Two such structures were present, and the larger had 
interior dimensions of 6 feet by 10 feet. The smaller structure 
had only three sides, the larger had four. Considerable soil has 
accumulated since these structures were built. A buffalo skull, 
with all of the nose and jaw rotted away, was buried one foot deep 
on the outside of the back wall of the largest structure. 136 It seems 

134. Lowie, 1924, op. cit., p. 211; cf. Steward, 1947a, op. cit., p. 272. 

135. Found by the writer in September, 1958. 

136. No other artifacts were found, but no digging has yet been done. 


logical to assume that Shoshoni peoples of some sort once lived 
there. It is possible that these peoples possessed a few horses. 
Maybe they were Sheepeaters. J. T. 1HT mentions that the Sheep- 
eaters living in the Wind River Mountains often wintered in the 
foothills. Some of these possessed horses according to J. T. and 
Hultkrantz. 18 * 

Archaeological evidence has done much to help us reconstruct 
a description of some of the material culture of the Sheepeater, as 
well as providing us with a hypothesis as to their patterns of sub- 
sistence. We have seen that the food quest obviously predom- 
inated in the rigorous life struggle of the Sheepeaters so we assume 
that their intellectual culture, just as was the case with their social 
culture, was elementary and probably similar to all other Basin- 
Plateau, pre-horse, Shoshoneans. Their religion consisted of 
"primitive shamanism coupled with a belief in various nature 
spirits. " 139 The Sheepeater may have held the belief that super- 
natural power was granted to them through dreams and visions. 14 " 
If any ceremonial dances were enjoyed by the Sheepeaters, it prob- 
ably would have been in the company of different Shoshoni 
peoples. 14 " 

Speaking of their social institutions, it is known that marriage 
among the Shoshoni was an informal affair and was marked by no 
binding ceremonies. But among the more isolated of the domestic- 
groups, marriage may have been relatively permanent. Sheep- 
eaters who were especially isolated, such as those of Yellowstone 
Park, 141 would have had little opportunity to exchange partners. 
The customs of the levirate, and to a lesser extent sororate, were in 
operation among all Shoshoni and most probably applied to the 
Sheepeater. No particular rules of residence applied to the Sho- 
shoni and especially not to the Sheepeater. 11 - Patterns of descent 
were ambilineal and probably had little meaning for the Sheep- 
eater, though cross-cousin marriage may have been preferred. 143 

Shallow though these descriptions of intellectual and social cul- 
ture are, little more can be added without making the tenuous 
postulate that all intellectual or social customs of the Basin- 
Plateau Shoshoni were necessarily shared by the Sheepeaters. In 
the absence of any further information, I prefer to carry the de- 
scription of Sheepeater culture only as far as has been done in this 

137. J.T., personal interview, cf. footnote 52. 

138. Hultkrantz, 1961, op. cit., p. 35. 

139. Hultkrantz, 1957, op. cit., p. 137. 

140. Lowie, 1908, op. cit., pp. 223-226; Liljeblad, 1957, op. cit., pp. 

141. Hultkrantz, 1958, op. cit., p. 152. 

142. Liljeblad, 1957, op. cit., p. 34. 

143. Ibid., p. 95. 



In concluding, it must be admitted that relatively little is known 
about the Sheepeaters. A few inferences can be made on the basis 
of archaeological material but the exact nature of these peoples' 
lives may never be fully reconstructed. Problems of identification 
and of subtle cultural differences and similarities between various 
Shoshonean-speaking peoples remain only partially answered. The 
distribution of the Sheepeaters has not been clearly defined, and 
differences between various mountain-dwelling peoples themselves 
are not clearly understood. Nevertheless, the inherent complexity 
of ethnographic and historic reconstruction does not negate the 
efforts of those who have attempted it. The work of Liljeblad on 
the one hand and of Hultkrantz on the other has done much to 
acquaint us with the culture of an extinct people. A proper syn- 
thesis of these two points of view will carry us even further in the 
right direction. In addition, there is much need for detailed 
archaeological classification and description in the Rocky Moun- 
tain region. Such work would not only help us to locate and 
identify the Sheepeaters but would undoubtedly reveal that the 
mountain regions had long been frequented by a variety of ances- 
toral peoples. 144 

Of the Sheepeaters, many unanswered questions remain, and 
those answers which were given here must be qualified as hypo- 
thetical at best. Nevertheless, the quest involved in making this 
reconstruction hopefully has lead us to a greater understanding of, 
and appreciation for, a people who have gone, leaving little trace of 
their existence or their passing from it. 


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Shimkin, D. B., "Wind River Shoshone Ethnogeography", Anthropological 
Records, Vol. 5, No. 4, University of California, Berkeley, 1947. 

Steward, Julian H., "The Economic and Social Basis of Primitive Bands", 
In Essays in Anthropology presented to A. L. Kroeber, Berkeley, Cali- 
fornia, pp. 331-350, 1936. 

Steward, J. H., "Linguistic Distributions and Political Groups of Great Basin 
Shoshoneans", American Anthropologist, Vol. 39, pp. 625-634, 1937. 

Steward, Julian H., Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups, Wash- 
ington, D. C, Smithsonian Institute, Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Bulletin 120, 1938. 

Steward, J. H., "Culture Element Distributions: XXIII Northern and 
Gosiute Shoshoni", Anthropological Records 8:3, University of Cali- 
fornia Press, 1943. 

Stewart, Omer C, "Shoshone History and Social Organization", Reprint 
from // Tomo de Actus XXXIII Congreso International de American- 
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1958. pp. 134-142. 

Stuart, Granville, Montana As It Is, New York, C. S. Westcott & Co., 1865. 

Swanton, John R., The Indian Tribes of North America, Washington, D. C, 
Smithsonian Institute, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 145, 

Thompson, John C, "In Old Wyoming", Wyoming State Tribune, October 2, 
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Historical Department by A. G. Clayton, a forest ranger of Washakie 
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Wheeler, George M., "Report upon United States Geographic Surveys West 
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Wissler, C, "The Influence of the Horse in the Development of Plains Cul- 
ture", American Anthropologist, Vol. 16, pp. 1-25, 1914. 

Zhe Searchfor Jacques Car a wee 
A Study in J rust rat ion 


John Dishon McDermott 

Probably every historian who works in the field of Wyoming 
history hopes to solve the mystery of Jacques LaRamee, the trapper 
whose memory is perpetuated by several rivers, a fort, a town, a 
city, a county, a mountain peak, a mountain range, a plains region, 
and more recently a television show. 1 Where did he come from? 
What was he like as a man? When did he first enter Wyoming? 
Who killed him? Where did he die? These are questions that 
have intrigued men for over a century, but wrapped in the cloak of 
time, nestled in the minds of men long dead, the answers have 
eluded the best efforts of scholars. The following pages unfold 
the story of my quest for the truth. Frustrating as it turned out to 
be, the quest did yield an answer to one of the questions. 

Before revealing the results of my research, it might be well to 
review some of the stories told about LaRamee. Most of them 
are based on hearsay, the historian's curse, and some of them are 
pure fabrication, the products of over-active imaginations. Prob- 
ably the best known account is found in C. G. Coutant's The 
History of Wyoming, published in 1899. It also has the distinction 
of being the most detailed of all the stories examined. 

Coutant states that LaRamee was a French Canadian who 
entered this country as an employee of the Northwest Company. 
When rivalry with the Hudson's Bay Company led to bloodshed, 
LaRamee organized a band of free trappers and moved into undis- 
puted territory near the headwaters of the North Platte River. He 
and his men rendezvoused at the mouth of the Laramie for several 
years. About 1820, LaRamee decided to trap beaver on the river 
that now bears his name, and dismissing his companions 1 warnings, 
he pushed on alone. The following year, his friends found him 
dead in a cabin built about two or three days journey up the 
Laramie from its mouth. Trappers accused the Arapahoes of the 
deed, but they vigorously denied it. Coutant makes much of La- 

1. "Laramie" is the form of the name which survives as a place-name. 
I have used the correct spelling, "LaRamee." throughout, except when 
quoting from a source. 


Ramee's character and abilities, calling him an honest, courageous, 
peace-loving man, and a partisan worthy of the confidence of his 

Coutant tells where he obtained the material for his account. 
He read statements by two former Fort Laramie soldiers, Surgeon 
H. S. Schell and Colonel A. G. Brackett, that mentioned the mur- 
der of the trapper by Indians near the Laramie River, nothing 
more. Schell served at Fort Laramie in the late 1860's and 
Brackett in the late 1870's. For the rest of his story, Coutant 
relied on "the older class of pioneers, such as Baker, Majors, Wig- 
gins, Perri, Chapman, Lowe, Street, and many others. " He goes 
on to state that none of the men interviewed knew LaRamee, that 
they were simply repeating stories told them by others. Hearsay 
is poor evidence, if it is evidence at all, and the details of Coutant's 
version will need verification before they can be fully accepted. 2 

It is interesting to note that the farther back one goes into the 
literature, the closer one gets to the time of LaRamee's death, the 
shorter the stories become. Take, for example, the account of 
Matthew Field, a newspaperman who visited Fort Laramie in 1843 
when it still belonged to the American Fur Company. Field took 
voluminous notes on everything he saw and heard, since he planned 
to write a number of feature articles for the New Orleans Picayune 
about the Rocky Mountain West. Yet, when he came to the 
LaRamee story, he was unusually brief: 

30 years ago a trapper by the name of Laramee was killed by Indians 
on this stream which has since held his name, as also, the high moun- 
tain peak near. The country was shunned as dangerous at the time, 
but this trapper dared his fate in pursuit of the beaver. 3 

Rufus Sage, who stopped at Fort Laramie two years earlier, was 
even more terse in his diary: 

This river received its present name from one Joseph Laramie, a 
French trapper, who was killed near its mouth, several years since, 
by the Indians. 4 

The reader is quick to perceive the contradictions in the three 
stories treated thus far. The date of death, the place of death, and 
the first name of the trapper vary considerably. Other accounts 
serve to confuse the issue rather than to clarify it. John Hunton's 

2. C. G. Coutant, The History of Wyoming (Laramie: Chaplin, Spafford 
& Mathison, Printers, 1899), 296-299. 

3. Matthew C. Field, Prairie & Mountain Sketches, ed. by John Francis 
McDermott (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1957), 

4. LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen, eds., Rufus B. Sage, His Letters 
and Papers, 1836-1847, Vol. I (Glendale, California: The Arthur H. Clark 
Company, 1956), 340, f.n. 124. 


version, based on talks with Jim Bridger, further illustrates the 

He [Jim Bridger] said he was first at Fort Laramie in his teens, but 
did not know or remember the exact year; that he spent the winter 
that old man Laramie was killed, down at the fort and around here, 
and was one of the party who went out to search for Laramie when he 
did not come back in the spring as he said he would; that party went 
up the Laramie valley searching it and all its tributaries; that they 
found an unfinished cottonwood log cabin on the north side of the 
river below the mouth of Sabille Creek, and one broken beaver trap 
near it, but no Laramie. He said that he learned some two years later 
from the Arapahoe Indians that some of the tribe had killed Laramie 
and put his body under the ice in a beaver dam 5 

Two points in the Hunton-Bridger version bear comment. Wil- 
liam Sublette and Robert Campbell built the first Fort Laramie, 
Fort William, in 1834; therefore, Bridger could not have been 
around the fort at the time of LaRamee's death. Secondly, if we 
are to accept 1821 as the year of LaRamee's death, Bridger could 
not have been in the region. He left St. Louis in April, 1822, on 
his first trip west and traveled up the Missouri River with Major 
Henry !' ! 

The last two historians to tackle the problem were Grace Ray- 
mond Hebard in 1926 and W. J. Ghent in 1933. Hebard states 
that LaRamee came from France, settled in Canada, and then 
migrated into Wyoming. She follows the Coutant version closely, 
but by way of introduction discusses the name of the trapper, and 
in so doing commits an unfortunate error. She remarks that 
Jacques is a Canadian corruption of the French word for John. 
Jacques is the French name for James. 7 

W. J. Ghent's article is the best produced by modern historians. 
For the most part, he repeats the Coutant version, but he is careful 
to point out the speculative nature of the story and qualifies each 
statement with such as "probably," "apparently," and "tradition- 
ally." He does, however, question LaRamee's birthplace, and 
suggests that he may have been the son of Louis Lorimier who was 
a trader among the Indians in the Ohio Valley, and later, the com- 
mandant at Cape Girardeau, Missouri. Ghent based his theory 
on the fact that Albert Gallatin's map of 1836 shows Laramie Peak 
as Lorimier's Peak. 8 

5. Grace Raymond Hebard and E. A. Brininstool, The Bozeman Trail, 
Vol. II (Glendale, California: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1960), 233. 

6. J. Cecil Alter, Jim Bridget- (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Okla- 
homa Press, 1962), 15. 

7. Grace Hebard's article appeared originally in the Midwest Review of 
March, 1926. The article is reprinted as an addenda in Virginia Cole Tren- 
holm. Footprints on the Frontier: Saga of the La Ramie Region of Wyoming 
(Douglas, Wyoming: Douglas Enterprise Company, 1945), 354-357. 

8. W. J. Ghent, "Jacques Laramie," in Dictionary of American Biog- 


By now the reader should be hopelessly confused. Was the 
trapper's last name really LaRamee or was it Lorimier? Was his 
first name really Jacques or was it Joseph? Was he born in 
Canada or was it France or the Ohio Valley? Did he die in 1 803 
or 1821 or even later? Was he found dead in his cabin or under a 
beaver dam? Did he die near the mouth of the Laramie or 
several day's journey upstream? Did the Arapahoes kill him or 
was it some other tribe? 

Confronted with this problem one might decide to write some 
of the Canadian fur companies to see if their records might reveal 
information concerning Jacques LaRamee. Paul Henderson, the 
noted trail historian, did just that in 1937, but his findings were 
never published. Writing the Hudson's Bay Company, he received 
an illuminating reply from J. Chadwick Brooks, a company em- 
ployee in London. Although the records revealed nothing of 
Jacques LaRamee, they contained a number of references to a 
Jean Baptiste LaRamee. Jean Baptiste was in the company's 
service as a middleman from 1817 to 1822 in Canada, operating 
in the Cumberland House, Athabasca, and Peace River Districts, 
before retiring and settling in Montreal. A Northwest Company 
ledger in the same archives divulged information concerning yet 
another LaRamee, Francois, who began his career as a voyageur 
for the firm in 1804. From 1811 to 1820, he worked steadily 
for the Northwest Company in Canada, but the records did not 
pinpoint the area. The letter established the fact that there were 
LaRamees in Canada at about the right time. 9 

On August 2, 1963, my quest for the truth began. Miss Jean 
Colon of Davis, California, visited Fort Laramie National Historic 
Site and remarked that she knew a relative of the famous trapper. 
His name was J. Edmond LaRamee who lived in Montreal. In a 
short time a letter was on its way. No reply. A second letter 
brought a response: 

Here is what I know of the family of Jacques LaRamee: There was 
only one LaRamee that migrated from France to Canada, in 1708. 
His name was Jacques Fissiau dit LaRamee, born in Blois City, 
France. He settled in Pointe-Aux-Trembles, near Montreal, and one 
of his descendants settled in St. Michel d'Yamaska, Province of Que- 
bec. From this branch of the family came Jacques LaRamee, the 

raphy, Vol. IX, ed. by Dumas Malone (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 
1933), 613. All those who mention the name of the trapper in diaries and 
letters of the period give the last name as LaRamee or names that are 
obviously variations of it. To my knowledge, there are no other contem- 
porary documents that substantiate Ghent's theory. 

9. Letter to Paul Henderson from J. Chadwick Brooks, Hudson Bay 
House, London, May 28, 1937. Original in Historic Research Files, Fort 
Laramie National Historic Site. This group of records hereafter cited as 


fur trapper who migrated to the United States. He was one of the 
sons of Joseph LaRamee and Jeanne Mondou of Yamaska. 10 

I am sure that the reader can imagine the elation I felt when I 
received that letter. 

To corroborate the letter and to learn more of the LaRamees, I 
wrote to the Provinical Archives, Quebec, and requested a geneal- 
ogy of the Joseph LaRamee family. Roland Auger of the archives 
sent the desired information, at least most of it. He traced Joseph's 
ancestry back to Antoine Fissiau-LaRamee of Blois City, who 
turned out to be a master weaver. His son, Jacques, also a 
weaver, left France for Canada in 1708. One of his sons, Jean 
Baptiste, took up farming near Montreal in the 1740's, and Joseph 
was his son, a farmer at Yamaska. 11 

Mr. Auger was unable to provide the clincher, the name of the 
offspring of Joseph and Jeanne LaRamee, but sent the address of 
the priest in charge of the church records at Yamaska. The Rev- 
erend Pere Cure replied to my letter of inquiry on February 19, 
1964, and brought to Fort Laramie a dark cloud that still hangs 
over it. Joseph and Jeanne had five sons, none of whom was 
named Jacques! Married on January 15, 1781, the couple's first 
son was Noel, born December 25, 1781. He was followed by 
Louis Theophile, born February 24, 1783; Joseph Michel, born 
June 8, 1784; Pierre Severin, born May 29, 1786; and Louis, born 
April 16, 1792. 1 - 

A hurried letter to J. Edmond LaRamee brought an apologetic 
reply and a suggestion. His genealogy, prepared by a Montreal 
firm, concerned only his immediate ancestors, and did not include 
the fur trapper's branch of the family; however, he had been told, 
presumably by one of his relatives, that Jacques had been the son 
of Joseph and Jeanne. He suggested that I contact the Drouin 
Genealogical Institute of Montreal to see if they could trace him. 13 

The Institute agreed to make the search, but after several months 
cancelled the contract, stating that nothing could be found of a 
Jacques that fit the description. 

Could it be that the third son of Joseph and Jeanne was the 
mysterious fur trapper? Could Rufus Sage have been right, that 
his name was really Joseph? I am inclined to believe that he was, 
but I suppose that we will never know for sure. At least the quest 

10. Letter from J. Edmond LaRamee, Montfort, Quebec, October 1, 

1963, FLNHS. 

11. Letter from Roland Auger, Provincial Archives, Quebec, January 3, 

1964, FLNHS. 

12. Letter from The Reverend Pere Cure, Yamaska, Quebec, February 
19, 1964, FLNHS. 

13. Letter from J. Edmond LaRamee, Montfort, Quebec, April 17, 1964, 


was exciting, though finally frustrating, and it did yield, beyond a 
reasonable doubt, the answer to one of the intriguing questions: 
Where did he come from? Only one LaRamee migrated from 
France in the eighteenth century, Jacques LaRamee from Blois 
City, France. All the New World LaRamees were his descendants. 
Whatever his first name, the real LaRamee was a Canadian. 


Elizabeth Thorpe 

This is Wyoming, 

The high, fresh country 

Of pale golden plains 

Sweeping widely 

To the far blue rims of mountains 

On the edge of the world. 

Here are the uncontaminated streams, 
The naked heights where free winds blow. 

Here is space unlimited 

For those whose hearts still need 

The look and feel of freedom. 

Here is the lonely sky 
Uncrowded except for clouds 
That give brief respite 
From the painful beauty 
Of intense and infinite blue. 

Zke Custer Court Martial 


Robert A. Murray 

"A General Court Martial is hereby appointed to meet at Fort 
Leavenworth Kansas, at 1 1 :00 o'clock A.M., on the 15th Day of 
September, 1 867, or as soon there after as practicable, for the 
trial of Brevet Major General G. A. Custer, 7th U.S. Cavalry, and 
such other prisoners as may be brought before it." 1 With these 
simple phrases, the Adjutant General signaled the nearing climax 
of another chapter in the stormy career of this colorful and 
controversial officer. 

This important but little known story began with the issuance of 
the following orders and instructions to Custer at the end of May, 

Brevet Major General G.A. Custer, Lieutenant Col. 7th Cavalry will 
march tomorrow with six(6) companies of the 7th Cavalry, provided 
with fifteen( 15 ) days rations, and five(5) days grain, to Fort Mc- 
Pherson, Nebraska. Full instructions will be given General Custer 
concerning his march. 1 ' 

The Brevet Major General Commanding directs that you proceed with 
your command as indicated in S.F.O. #34, c.s. from these HQ, in a 
northerly direction to the Platte, and thence to Ft. McPherson, at 
which point you will find a large supply of rations and forage. As to 
the length of time you are to stay at Fort McPherson, should you re- 
ceive no orders on your arrival there, you will be governed by the cir- 
cumstances and such information as you may be able to obtain from 
parties at that place. From Fort McPherson you will proceed up the 
south fork of the Platte to Fort Sedgwick, and thence in the direction 
of Fort Morgan. If everything is found to be quiet and your presence 
not required in the vicinity of Fort Morgan or Sedgwick, you may 
come south to Fort Wallace, at which point you will find further 

The object of the expedition is to hunt out, and chastise the Cheyennes, 
and that portion of the Sioux who are their allies, between the Smoky 
Hill and the Platte. . . 3 

Under these orders and instructions, Custer's command left 
Fort Hays, and marched to Fort McPherson, reaching there June 
9th. After spending a week in that vicinity, the column moved to 

1. Special Orders 426, War Department, Adjutant General's Office 
August 27, 1867. 

2. Special Field Orders 34, Headquarters, District of the Upper Arkan- 
sas, May 30, 1867. 

3. Letter, Headquarters, District of the Upper Arkansas, to G.A. Custer, 
7th Cavalry, May 31, 1867. 


the Republican River, remaining there about a week before head- 
ing northwest to the South Platte River. Early on the morning of 
July 6th, the tired column arrived at the Platte, this time some 3 
miles from Riverside Station, about 45 miles west of Fort Sedg- 
wick. 4 

Since this was on one of the main routes to the Colorado 
settlements, extra precautions against desertions were taken. Cus- 
ter ordered the stable-guard doubled. 5 Wagonmaster Harper 
remained on the alert through the night to safeguard stock of 
the train.''' 

Some of the men approached the teamsters that night and tried 
to trade for civilian clothes. 7 Later in the night Harper drove five 
men away from the wagon train stock. 8 By morning at least 15 
men departed, including some of the guard. 1 ' 

The column got a late start on the 7th, and marched about 12 
miles to a noon-halt. Horses were unsaddled and allowed to 
graze. 10 After lunch and several hours rest, "Boots & Saddles" 
sounded and the column prepared to move out. 11 At this time, 
Custer sighted a band of uniformed men, headed for the Platte. 
He ordered out Lt. Henry Jackson, Officer of the Day. Jackson's 
orders from Custer were to "follow those men and shoot them 
and bring none in alive." 12 

While Jackson and the guard were getting under way, Custer 
ordered his brother Tom, along with Lt. W. W. Cooke to join the 
pursuit, giving them the same order he had Lt. Jackson. 13 

Major Joel Elliot volunteered to go along. 14 Somewhat better 
mounted, he soon took the lead, with Cooke not far behind, Tom 
Custer trailing by some distance, and Lieutenant Jackson and the 
guard bringing up the rear. 15 After about 20 minutes, they came 
upon those men who were on foot, four in number, three of them 

4. Captain L.M. Hamilton, testimony, in Proceedings of a General Court 
Martial, G.C.M.O. 93, A. CO., 1867, convened at Ft. Leavenworth, pursuant 
to S.O. 426, AGO, 1867. (Hereinafter referred to as Proceedings). 

5. Hamilton testimony, Proceedings. 

Lt. T.W. Custer, testimony. Proceedings. 

6. Harper, testimony. Proceedings. 

I. Ibid. 

8. Ibid. 

9. T.W. Custer, testimony, Proceedings. 

10. Ibid. 

II. G.A. Custer, Report, letter to Adjutant General, District of the 
Upper Arkansas, dated at Ft. Riley, Kansas, August 6, 1867. (Hereinafter 
referred to as Custer, Report). 

12. Lt. Henry Jackson, testimony, Proceedings. 

13. T.W. Custer, testimony, Proceedings 
also, Custer, Report. 

14. Major Joel Elliot, testimony, Proceedings. 

15. T.W. Custer, testimony, Proceedings 
Elliot, testimony. Proceedings. 


armed. Elliot ordered them to lay down their arms and halt. 
Two did so immediately. The third, Private Charles Johnson, 
made a move with his carbine that Elliot thought to be threatening. 
Elliot was but a few yards off, moving at a gallop, so he simply 
rode into Johnson, knocked him down and sent his carbine flying, 
and rode on in pursuit of the mounted group of deserters. 1 ' 1 

Shortly after Johnson was knocked down, Lts. Cooke and Tom 
Custer opened fire on the unarmed men. Johnson was hit twice 
at relatively close range, at least once while on the ground. Bugler 
Barney Tolliver was hit in the arm in such a manner that it ap- 
peared his arms were partly raised. Private Alburger received 
two wounds, one in the shoulder blade and one in the side, as he 
tried to run away. 17 The fourth man lay down as the firing com- 
menced and was not hit. 1N Two other men moved off to the left 
of the line of pursuit, but were captured by the guard. 1 ' 1 

Elliot and Jackson rode on in pursuit of the party of mounted 
deserters, found they could not catch them, and turned back.-" 

Elliot then ordered Bugler Leonard of the guard back to the 
command for a wagon.- 1 It arrived in about 45 minutes and the 
wounded were loaded in it and taken to the command, 22 

As the wagon came up to the command there was a general 
rush toward it. Surgeon Coates moved in to examine the men. 
At this point Custer ordered everyone to stay away from the 
wagon. -■'• The command soon moved out and marched on to a 
night camping place about 10 miles away. The wagon moved in 
the rear of the column in charge of Lt. Jackson. Some of the men 
brought their overcoats for the wounded men to lie on. 24 Surgeon 
Coates later testified that he visited the men and gave them an 
opiate, 2 "' but Jackson insisted he did not. 26 

The command halted for the night at a dry creek and secured 
water by digging in the sand. 27 Late that evening the Surgeon 
visited the wounded, examined their wounds and gave them 
opiates. 2S Custer is supposed to have enjoined Coates not to 
mention this to officers or men of the command. The wounds were 

16. Elliot, testimony, Proceedings. 

17. Acting Assistant Surgeon Coates, testimony. Proceedings. 

18. Jackson, testimony. Proceedings. 

19. Ibid. 

20. Ibid., and also: Elliot, testimony. Proceedings. 

21. Elliot, testimony. Proceedings. 

22. Jackson, testimony. Proceedings. 

23. Coates, testimony. Proceedings. 

24. Jackson, testimony. Proceedings. 

25. Coates, testimony. Proceedings. 

26. Jackson, testimony, Proceedings. 

27. Ibid. 

28. Coates, testimony. Proceedings 

also: Jackson, testimony Proceedings. 


not dressed until two days later, but the Surgeon accepted respon- 
sibility for this. 2i) 

That night Custer augmented the guard by placing all the officers 
of the command on duty in shifts. There were no further deser- 
tions on the road to Ft. Wallace/ 10 The command marched on the 
morning of the 8th, reaching Ft. Wallace at 8:00 p.m. on July 
13th. 81 

Custer then set out for Fort Harker late on the 15th of July. 
He did this on the pretext of going after supplies, but the records 
do not bear out the necessity of this, and this function was not 
within the scope of his orders. The general conclusion reached 
later was that he simply wanted to visit his wife. 32 

He formed an escort of the best-mounted men from each com- 
pany, 88 a total of 76 enlisted men. 84 Captain Hamilton commanded 
the escort, and Lieutenants Cooke and Tom Custer accompanied 
it. 85 Considering the generally poor condition of all the horses, 
this column moved rapidly, reaching Big Creek early in the morn- 
ing of the 18th, having come over 140 miles in 57 hours (of which 
time 5 hours were spent resting ). 36 As horses gave out, men 
dropped behind the column and it was necessary for a detail to 
bring up the stragglers. Several horses were shot and others were 
abandoned. 87 Some dismounted men were left behind at stage 
stations and others were brought along in an ambulance. 38 

On the morning of the 1 7th, about two miles east of Castle Rock 
Stage Station, the command halted for about two hours. During 
this halt, Custer noticed that Private Alfred Young, the man de- 
tailed to lead one of Custer's personal horses, had fallen behind. 
He sent out Sgt. Connelly with six men, leading an extra horse, to 
find Young and bring him up, stating that the command would 
move on a short distance and wait for them. Connelly found 
Young at Castle Rock Station, mounted him on the extra horse and 
moved out to catch up with the column. 39 

29. Coates, testimony, Proceedings. 

30. T.W. Custer, testimony Proceedings. 

31. Custer, Report. 

32. J. Holt, Judge Advocate General, U.S.A., to the Secretary of War, 
November 8, 1867, letter. 

33. Lt. W.W. Cooke, testimony, Proceedings 
Elliot, testimony, Proceedings. 

34. Elliot, testimony, Proceedings 

Regimental rolls show 64 enlisted men with Custer on this trip. 

35. Hamilton, testimony, Proceedings. 

36. Ibid., also Cooke, testimony, Proceedings. 

37. Hamilton, testimony, Proceedings 

also: Sergeant James Connelly, Co. D. 7th Cavalry, testimony 

38. Connelly, testimony, Proceedings. 

39. Ibid. 


About two miles east of Castle Rock, a party of fifty to sixty 
Indians attacked Connelly's force. One man was hit and overtaken 
by the hostiles. Connelly saw that another man was wounded, 
tried to halt the detail to make a stand, but some of the men fled. 
The whole party then moved off rapidly on the trail of the column, 
leaving the wounded man behind. Some of the Indians fell back 
around the man they had caught, and others pursued Connelly's 
party to within one and one-half miles of the command, which had 
halted at Downer's Station. Sgt. Connelly and the detail rode into 
the station, reporting immediately to Captain Hamilton. 4 " Hamil- 
ton reported the incident to Custer, whose only reply was to the 
effect that they would have to be moving on. 41 

After Custer's column left, Captain A. B. Carpenter, 37th 
Infantry, took part of the station's small garrison out to look for 
the men left behind. They recovered and buried the body of the 
dead man, and found that the second wounded man had escaped 
capture and was hidden along the road alive. They brought him 
in to Downer's Stations- 
Arriving at Big Creek Station, near Fort Hays, Custer obtained 
fresh mules for his ambulance and with Cooke, Tom Custer and an 
enlisted man struck out for Fort Harker, leaving Hamilton and 
the escort to follow. 4 ''' 

Custer and his party met Captain Cox of the 1 Oth Cavalry near 
Bunker Hill Station at 9:00 p.m. on the 18th. Cox was escorting 
a supply train for Fort Wallace. He also bore dispatches for Cus- 
ter from the District Commander. 44 

These included the following letter from the Adjutant General, 
Headquarters, District of the Upper Arkansas, dated July 16, 

The Bvt. Maj. Gen. Comdg. directs me to forward to you the accom- 
panying communication from Dept. HQ, for your information and 
guidance and to say that he expects you to keep your command as 
actively employed as the condition of the animals will admit; you 
will see by the communication referred to you are not restricted in 
your movements to the vicinity of Ft. Wallace, but are to operate 
wherever the presence or movements of Indians may lead you. 4 "' 

And the accompanying letter from Department Headquarters read: 

The Major General Commanding desires you to give instructions to 
General Custer's Command which it is understood will arrive at Fort 
Wallace about the 17th inst. that until further orders it will operate 

40. Ibid. 

41. Hamilton, testimony, Proceedings 

Regimental roles indicate Alexander Harvey was the man killed. 

42. Captain A. B. Carpenter, testimony, Proceedings. 

43. Hamilton and Cooke, testimony, Proceedings. 

44. Captain Charles G. Cox, testimony. Proceedings 

also: Captain Thomas B. Weir, testimony. Proceedings. 


through Fort Wallace as a base and between the Arkansas and the 
Platte. He will habitually draw his supplies from Fort Wallace but a 
sufficient quantity of supplies has been placed at Forts Hays, Larned, 
Dodge and Lyons in order that if he should find it necessary to visit 
those posts he will be able to obtain ample supplies. It is not pro- 
posed that he shall go south of the Arkansas at present except in case 
of hot pursuit. 

The Battallion of Volunteer Cavalry will be kept as a rule intact and 
will operate in the general direction of the Arkansas, say from Zarah 
westward they will be governed by the same rules and orders and will 
find supplies at any of the posts on the Arkansas, designated herein 
and if pursuit leads them to the Smoky Hill at the posts on that route. 

The tributaries of the Arkansas will be especially under the super- 
vision of the Volunteer Cavalry. 

I wish you would require itineraries from Commanders of every 
scout in accordance with reiterated orders from these HdQrs and the 
General Regulations of the Army. These troops will not belong to 
any post nor will their commanders interfere with the command of 
any post at which they may be or through which they may pass — 
except so far as to draw their regular supplies on proper requisitions. 

These troops should move with pack mules, and not wagons, if 
means of transportation are required for supplies there are sufficient 
pack saddles at Fort Wallace and directions will be given to send 
twenty pack saddles to each of the other posts in your district where 
Cavalry may be stationed, say Forts Hays, Larned, Dodge, Lyons, 
Reynolds and Harker. 

You will please determine how much of the 7th Cavalry you pro- 
pose leaving at Wallace, whether any more than Capt. Keogh's Com- 
pany or not and give the necessary instructions. 

Captain Barnitz Company should be back at Fort Wallace by the 
time your orders reach there. 

There are some lariats required for the pack saddles at Fort Wallace 
taken off by General Custer at Fort Hays and used for lariats for 
his horses; requisitions have been made but you had better see that 
the rope goes by the first train. 

The cavalry should be kept constantly employed. 40 

Notwithstanding these orders, Custer and his party drove on to 
Fort Harker, arriving at about 2:00 a.m. on the 19th. 47 

Custer reported to Colonel Smith at Fort Harker, but it does 
not appear that he explained how he had come to Fort Harker nor 
under what authority he was traveling. He did not tarry long with 
Smith, but was driven to the railroad station by Weir and departed 
for Fort Riley on the 3:00 a.m. train. 4S 

On arriving at his office on the 19th, Col. Smith discovered that 
Custer was not traveling with his command, that he had unques- 
tionably received the dispatches sent with Captain Cox, and that 
he had given no evidence to Weir of any other orders which could 

45. Letter, Adjutant General, Headquarters District of the Upper Ar- 
kansas to G.A. Custer, 7th Cavalry, July 16, 1867. 

46. Letter, Headquarters, Department of Missouri in the Field, to Brevet 
Major General Smith, District of the Upper Arkansas, July 13, 1867. 

47. Weir, testimony, Proceedings. 

48. Ibid. 


account for this trip. Smith immediately telegraphed Custer at 
Fort Riley, ordering his return. 4 '-' 

Colonel Smith soon filed the following charges against Custer: 

Charge 1st: Absence without leave from his command. 

Specification 1st: In this that he Bvt. Major General G.A. Custer, 
Lieut. Col. 7th U.S. Cav. did at or near Fort Wallace Kansas, on or 
about the 15th day of July 1867, absent himself from his command 
without proper authority, and proceed to Fort Riley, Kansas, a dis- 
tance of about 275 miles; this at a time when his command was ex- 
pected to be actively engaged against hostile Indians. 

Charge 2nd: Conduct to the prejudice of good order and military 

Specification 1st: In this that he Brevet Major General G.A. 
Custer, Lieut. Col. 7th U.S. Cav. immediately after the troops of his 
command had completed a long and exhausting march, and when 
the horses belonging thereto had not been rested, and were in an unfit 
condition for said service, did select a portion of such command con- 
sisting of three commissioned officers and about seventy-five men with 
their horses, and did set out upon and execute a rapid march from 
Fort Wallace, Kansas to Fort Hays in the same State; the said march 
being upon private business and with out proper authority or any 
urgency or demand of public business; and in so doing did seriously 
prejudice the public interest by overmarching and damaging the horses 
belonging to the said detachment of his command. 

Specification 2nd: In this, that he Brevet Major General G.A. 
Custer, Lieut. Col. 7th Cav., while executing an unauthorized journey 
on private business from Fort Wallace, Kansas to Fort Riley, in the 
same state, did procure at Fort Hays in the same state on or about 
the 17th July 1867, two ambulances and eight mules, belonging to the 
United States, and did use such ambulances and mules for the con- 
veyance of himself and part of his escort from said Fort Hays to Fort 
Harker in the aforesaid state. 

Specification 3d: In this that he Bvt. Maj. Genl. G.A. Custer, 
Lieut. Col., 7th U.S. Cavalry, when near Downers' Station in the 
state of Kansas, on or about the 16th day of July, 1867, after having 
received information that a party of Indians had attacked a small party 
detached from his escort near said station, did fail to take proper 
measures for the repulse of said Indians or the defense or relief of 
said detachment; and further after the return of such detached party of 
his command with report that two of their number had been killed, 
did neglect to take any measures to pursue such party of Indians or 
recover or bury the bodies of those of his command that had been 
killed as aforesaid. " 50 

On June 17th at Fort Wallace, Private Charles Johnson died. 51 
Captain West of the 7th Cavalry filed a set of additional charges 
based on the treatment of Johnson, Tolliver and Alburger: 

Charge: Conduct prejudicial to good order and military discipline. 

Specification 1st: In this that Brevet Major General George A. 
Custer, Lieutenant Colonel 7th U.S. Cavalry, while en route com- 
manding and marching a column of his regiment, six companies or 

49. Ibid. 

50. "Charges and Specifications" from Proceedings. 

51. Coates, testimony. Proceedings. 


thereabouts, strong, from the valley of the Platte River, to the valley 
of the Smoky Hill river, did, when ordering a party of three com- 
missioned officers and others of his command in pursuit of supposed 
deserters who were then in view leaving camp, also order the said 
party to shoot the supposed deserters down dead, and to bring none in 

This on "Custer's Cavalry Column Trail" while marching south- 
ward, about fifteen miles south of Platte river, and about fifty miles 
southwest from Fort Sedgwick, Colorado, on or about the 7th day of 
July, 1867. 

Specification 2nd.: In this that Brevet Major General George A. 
Custer, Lieutenant Colonel 7th U.S. Cavalry, did order the following 
named and designated soldiers of his regiment, viz: Bugler Barney 
Tolliver, Company K, Private Charles Johnson, Company K, Private 
Alburger, Company D, and other enlisted men of his command, to be 
shot down as supposed deserters, but without trial; and did thus cause 
the said men to be severely wounded. 

This on "Custer's Cavalry Column Trail" while traveling southward, 
between fifteen and forty miles south of the Platte River, and between 
fifteen and forty miles south of the Platte River, and between fifty 
and seventy miles southwest from Fort Sedgwick, Colorado, on or 
about the 7th day of July 1867. 

Specification 3rd: In this, that Brevet Major General George A. 
Custer, Lieutenant Colonel 7th U.S. Cavalry, after the following 
named and designated soldiers of his regiment, viz: Bugler Barney 
Tolliver, Company K, Private Charles Johnson, Company K, and 
Private Alburger, Company D, had been summarily shot down, and 
severely wounded by the order of him the said Custer, did order and 
cause the said soldiers to be placed in a Government wagon and to be 
hauled eighteen miles, and did then and there neglect and positively 
and persistently refuse to allow said soldiers to receive any treatment 
or attention from the Acting Assistant Surgeon with his command, 
or any other medical or Surgical attendance whatever. 

This on "Custer's Cavalry Column Trail" traveling southward be- 
tween fifteen and forty miles south of the Platte River, and between 
fifty and seventy miles southwest from Fort Sedgwick, Colorado, on 
or about the 7th day of July, 1867. 

Specification 4th: In this that Brevet Major General George A. 
Custer, Lieutenant Colonel 7th U.S. Cavalry, while commanding and 
marching a column of his regiment, six companies or thereabouts 
strong, did, on or about the 7th day of July 1867; at a point about 
fifteen miles South of Platte River, and about fifty miles southwest 
from Fort Sedgwick, Colorado, order and cause the summary shooting 
Charles Johnson, Company K, 7th U.S. Cavalry, a soldier of his 
command; whereby he the said Johnson was so severely wounded that 
he soon after — to wit on or about the 17th day of July 1867, at or 
near Fort Wallace Kansas — did decease; he the said Custer thus 
causing the death of him the said Johnson. 52 

The Special Orders mentioned earlier convened the necessary 
court martial. The officers detailed for the court included: 

Bvt.Maj.Gen. W. Hoffman, Col., 3d. U.S. Infantry 
Bvt.Maj.Gen. J.W. Davidson, Lt Col. 10th U.S. Cavalry 
Bvt.Maj.Gen. B.H. Grierson, Col. 10th U.S. Cavalry 
Bvt. Brig. Gen Pitcairn Morrison, Col. U.S. A. (retired) 

52. "Additional Charges and Specifications" from Proceedings. 


Bvt. Brig. Gen. M.R. Morgan, Commissary of Subsistence 

Bvt. Brig. Gen. F.D. Callender, Ordnance Dept. 

Bvt.Lt.Col. T.C. English. 5th U.S. Infantry 

Bvt. Major Henry Asbury, 3d U.S. Infantry 

Bvt. Major Stephen C. Lyford. Ordnance Department 

Captain Robert Chandler, 13th U.S. Infantry. Judge Advocate r,;j ' 

Brevet Major General Davidson was excused at his own request to 
serve as a witness for Custer."' 4 

The court convened at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas on Sunday, 
September 15, 1867. Technical and procedural delays consumed 
several days. 

The court was further interrupted by illness and absence of 
members, witnesses and of the accused. It was actively in session 
eleven full days, issuing its findings on Friday, October 1 1, 1867. 55 

Far from being a "plan of persecution" as Mrs. Custer called it/'" 
the court seemed eager throughout the trial to avoid any action 
which might place Custer at a disadvantage in defending himself. 

Custer, however, could offer no substantial defence to excuse 
his unauthorized absence or his unwarranted expenditure of stock, 
equipment and man power. His unauthorized absence stood out in 
glaring contrast to the severity of treatment he gave deserters. 

As the trial proceeded, the Court and the Judge Advocate did 
modify certain of the specifications in line with findings and 
The findings of the court were: 

Of the 1st Specification, 1st Charge: 

Guilty of the Specification, substituting the words "Ft. Harker" 
for the words "Ft. Riley" and the figures "200" for the figures 

Of the 1st Charge: Guilty 

Of the 1st Specification of the second charge: Guilty 

Of the 2nd Specification of the 2nd Charge: Guilty of the Specifica- 
tion substituting the words "Ft. Harker" for the words "Ft. Riley"; 
omitting the words "Two ambulances" and substituting the word 
"four" for the word "eight" and omitting the words "ambulances 
and" and attach no criminality thereto. 

Of 3rd Specification of the 2nd Charge: Guilty 

Of the 2nd Charge: Guilty 

Of the 1st Specification of the Additional Charge-Guilty 

Of the 2nd Specification of the Additional Charge, Guilty of the 
specification omitting the words "the following named and desig- 
nated soldiers of his regiment, viz: Bugler Barney Tolliver, Co. K., 
Private Charles Johnson, Co. K, Private Alburger Co. D, and other" 
and substituting the word "three" in place of the words "the said." 

Of the 3rd Specification of the Additional Charge the court finds the 
facts as stated in the specification except the words "and did then 

53. Special Orders 426, War Department, Adjutant General's Office, 
August 27, 1867. 

54. Proceedings, discussions, Sept. 16, 1867. 

55. Proceedings. 

56. Quoted in Merington, the Custer Story, p.213. 


and there neglect and positively and persistently refuse to allow the 
said soldiers to receive any treatment or attention from the acting 
assistant surgeon with his command, or any other Medical or 
Surgical attendance whatever." and attach no criminality thereto. 

Of the 4th Specification of the Additional Charge-Guilty 

Of the Additional Charge-Guilty 

And the Court does therefore sentence him Brevet Major Gen'l G.A. 

Custer Lieutenant Colonel 7th U.S. Cavalry to be suspended from 

rank and command for one year, and to forfeit his pay proper for the 

same time."' 7 

These findings went to the Judge Advocate General for review. 
He analyzed the evidence and the findings carefully, and made 
several pertinent comments: 

The conclusion unavoidably reached under this branch of the inquiry, 
is that Gen. Custer's anxiety to see his family at Fort Riley overcame 
his appreciation of the paramount necessity to obey orders which is 
incumbent on every military officer; and thus the excuses he offers for 
his acts of insubordination are afterthoughts. . . The findings under 
the specifications are thought to be in accordance with the evidence. 58 

The case was passed to the Commanding General, who stated 
through the Inspector General: 

The proceedings, finding and sentence in the case of Bvt. Major Gen- 
eral Custer are approved by General Grant who directs the necessary 
orders to be issued by the Adjutant General — in which the lenity of 
the sentence considering the nature of the offenses of which Gen'l. 
Custer is found guilty, is to be remarked on. 59 

The Adjutant General issued orders to carry out the sentence on 
November 20, 1867. 60 

Custer and his wife spent that winter at Ft. Leavenworth, and 
then went to visit relatives in Michigan. 61 

In September, 1868, Phil Sheridan, long active in Custer's be- 
half, requested that Custer be returned to duty. 62 Higher head- 
quarters acceded to Sheridan's request, and orders on September 
25, 1868 remitted the balance of Custer's sentence, and bade him 
report to Sheridan. 63 

Thus Custer returned to lead the regiment through nearly eight 
more years of garrison life and campaigning, ending in fame and 
death on a dusty Montana hillside. 

57. Proceedings. 

58. Letter, Holt, Judge Advocate General, op. cit. 

59. Endorsement, Inspector General to Adjutant General, War Depart- 
ment, Washington, Nov. 18, 1867 (on letter Holt, op. cit.) 

60. General Court Martial Orders #93, Adjutant General's Office, 
November 20, 1867. 

61. See van de Water, Glory Hunter, and other Custer biographies. 

62. Telegram, Lt. Gen. W.T. ShermanCSt. Louis) to Adjutant General, 
September 24, 1868. 

Telegram, Adjutant General to Lt. Gen. Sherman, Sept. 25, 1868. 

63. Extract, General Court Martial Orders of Sept. 25, 1868. 

f^eef Makers 
of the Car amie Plains 

Robert H. "Bob" Burns 

Up on top of the world are the Laramie Plains, an extensive 
plateau lying on top of the Rocky Mountains at an elevation of 
around 7,000 feet. They extend some 100 miles north and south 
from the Colorado line to Laramie Peak, and are some 50 miles 
wide from the base of the Laramie Mountains on the east to the 
foot of the Medicine Bow Mountains or main Rockies on the west. 
Since the early days the Laramie Plains have produced a variety 
of natural resources including fur, game, minerals, timber and 
livestock. The plains were named for an early-day French trapper, 
Jacques La Ramie, who spent the latter part of his life in the area 
and was purportedly killed by the Indians in 1820, near the mouth 
of the Laramie River. 

It is not generally known that right on the south edge of these 
Laramie Plains, the first range cattle were ranged after an incident 
in which freight oxen were abandoned to die in the winter and were 
found the next spring in very good condition. Early explorers 
and later emigrants noticed the thick sod of grass on the western 
plains and they also noticed the good condition of the animals and 
sampled the nutritious meat from the large herds of game such as 
buffalo, antelope, deer and elk. 

It is not surprising that when travel-worn oxen were turned loose 
to graze on these nutritious short grasses they soon recovered their 
strength and rapidly put on flesh. Many of these incidents have 
been reported by word of mouth but the reference seen most often 
is that in a government document published in March, 1 885, which 
dealt with the range and ranch traffic in the western states and 
territories. Mr. E. S. Newman is mentioned as the freighter in- 
volved in this incident of turning out travel-worn oxen in a winter 
storm. The writer has worked for several years to obtain the 
information on later ranching operations of Mr. Newman and has 
found that they established ranch camps in Texas, Oklahoma, and 
Nebraska in the early days under the name of the Niobrara Cattle 
Company. Their headquarters were on the Niobrara at the mouth 
of Antelope Creek, near the present town of Gordon, Nebraska. 1 

1. "The Newman Ranches: Pioneer Cattle Ranches of the West." 


Before that time, Tom Alsop was freighting from Omaha to Salt 
Lake (Fort Douglas) for Ed Creighton, commercial tycoon of 
Omaha who had many enterprises and had held contracts in the 
building of the overland telegraph line in 1861 and the grading for 
the Union Pacific Railroad in 1868-69. Tom Alsop was the fore- 
man of a string of bull teams and had 50 wagons with 4-6 bulls per 
wagon. When returning from Salt Lake in December, 1863, he 
was caught in a snowstorm on Sherman Hill (highest point on the 
Union Pacific Railroad in later days) and had to turn the oxen 
loose. He and his men rode horseback to Omaha and left the 
oxen presumably to die of exposure and starvation. The next 
spring they returned to salvage what they could of the wagon train 
and found the oxen alive and fat on Sand Creek near Chimney 
Rock, landmark on the Colorado-Wyoming line. Charlie Hutton 
was another freight foreman for Ed Creighton. Evidently all were 
impressed with Tom Alsop's experience for when they finished a 
grading contract for the Union Pacific Railroad in western Wyo- 
ming in 1869, they immediately came back to Laramie and set up a 
ranch with headquarters at the stage station crossing of the Big 
Laramie River, a few miles south of Laramie City. The partner- 
ship was known as Creighton, Hutton and Alsop. Creighton 
staked his trusted employees and they made good and later bought 
up portions of the holdings. Hutton took the east part of the ranch 
and Alsop the west part. Hutton remained here the rest of his life, 
but Alsop sold out his fine Shorthorn cattle and brand, TA con- 
nected, to Dr. William Harris. He took the cattle and brand to his 
ranch in Johnson County where the TA ranch later became the 
scene of some of the activity when the large cattle outfits invaded 
the county to run out those settlers they regarded as rustlers. 

This brand TA was made up from Tom Alsop's initials. Tom 
Alsop sold his land to the Riverside Ranch owned by Balch and 

Before coming to Wyoming, Tom Alsop drove a stage in the 
pioneer days of Iowa. The dashing, tall, dark-haired driver, with 
his deep blue eyes, set many feminine hearts aflutter. Among them 
was a belle of Des Moines, Mary Bringolf, a debutante of the town, 
who later became Mrs. Thomas Alsop. Her people had rich land 
holdings near Des Moines and were quite well to do, and about 
the time of her marriage oil paintings were made of her and her 
husband by an artist in Des Moines. The new bride, like many 
others from the east who were used to the rich, velvety green 
verdure of that country, did not like the wide-open, windy, barren 
looking plains, with not a tree for miles. She had to put her fine 

Nebraska History Vol. XXXIV, No. I, Pp. 21-32, March 1953. Their 
headquarters camp was established in 1878 when the Sioux Indians were put 
on reservations and the Sand Hills of Nebraska were opened up. 


walnut furniture and Haviland china into a typical western log 
cabin. Louise Alsop Pedersen, a daughter, wrote to the author in 
1951 as follows: — "When we had to part with our fine father, I 
was only a little twelve-year-old-girl and so all I am writing to you 
I remember vividly even to the time when we lived on the Big 
Laramie ranch and we had a little five room log bungalow." There 
were few occasions when she could wear the beautiful gowns in 
her trousseau. She did, however, become acquainted with the 
wives of some of the officers at Fort Sanders a few miles away. 
They became enthusiastic equestrians and rode horseback fre- 

The ranch home is described as follows by John D. Alsop, a 
son, in a letter to the author in 1952 — "The log house on the west 
side of the Laramie River was the old stage station, and there was 
the horse barns, blacksmith shop, and a corn crib and corrals 
there when I was a small boy. Father brought mother and I there 
in 1874 and we lived there until I was nine years old. Lou and 
Wm. J. Alsop were born there/" 

Tom Alsop sold out his holdings on the Big Laramie and, in 
1880, moved over to the Little Laramie where he built a large horse 
barn which still stands at this time. In the early days on the Big 
Laramie, he raised an excellent kind of Shorthorn cattle and light 
horses used for pulling street cars. The horses bearing the brand T 
(for Tom Alsop) on their shoulder were known far and wide for 
their type, endurance, and usefulness. His annual horse roundup 
was an event between the "Rivers", and many a budding cow- 
puncher got his start on this roundup. He raised a huge Shorthorn 
steer which was quite an attraction. The steer stood 7 feet 3 inches 
high at the shoulder and weighed 2,360 pounds. The steer never 
did get fat for he had difficulty reaching the ground to feed and 
had to crop grass from the ditchbanks. He was shipped to Omaha, 
but broke a leg and wound up in the soap factory. Mr. Alsop went 
into the sheep business in 1 870, and ran sheep in the Sand Creek 
country and later in the Little Laramie country. He died suddenly 
while on his way to Laramie to sell some livestock. 

Tom Alsop brought a love and knowledge of livestock from his 
native England and raised exceptional livestock in the very early 
days of the range stock business. He and his partners, Creighton 
and Hutton, were among the first to realize the possibilities and 
utilize the short-grass range which is the basis of a replaceable 
resource, the source of the pastoral wealth of Wyoming and the 

A noted cowboy, Broncho Sam, worked for Tom Alsop. He 
came to Wyoming from Texas prior to 1874, was an expert rider 
and made a name as a horse breaker. He was one of the Negro 
busters of the old west and was an artist not only in riding a 
bucker but also in handling and gentling "hot-blooded" horses. He 
handled horses very quietly and was never in a hurry and conse- 


quently gained their confidence. He was always humming or 
singing in a low tone of voice which seemed to charm the wild 

When Broncho Sam was working for Tom Alsop a rare incident 
occurred. The Laramie River was high. Little John Alsop, a 
three-year-old youngster, was pulling his little wagon around. He 
started down an incline toward the river, the little wagon was too 
heavy and it pushed him off into the river. Observers called for 
help. Broncho Sam came running and jumped off a bridge after 
little John. He made one grab for John in that whirling mass of 
water and luckily was able to get hold of him. Years later, in 
1951, John Alsop wrote to the author and described this incident. 
"Yes! Broncho Sam saved my life from drowning and as long as he 
lived I could talk Spanish as well as English. Sam talked Castillian 
Spanish, or the best Spanish, and Sam was half Spanish and Negro. 
But he had an English name — Sam Stewart. I believe Sam was a 
fine rider when he came to the Laramie Plains for he rode one of 
those longhorn steers from Texas through the streets of Cheyenne 
at one of the stockman shows in the 70s. He was a wonderful 
six-shooter shot, for I remember him bringing in an antelope or 
coyote now and then. As I remember him, he was about 6 feet 
and weight 175-180 and straight. I was about 10 years old when 
he shot his wife and the man with her, then shot himself through 
the breast, and lived nine days afterwards. So I would go down 
to see him every day and remember Dan Bacon saying 'Why did 
you shoot yourself Sam? We would see you freed' ". 

It was a fortunate incident in Omaha in 1871 that resulted in 
Bob Homer stepping off the transcontinental train at Laramie City 
instead of continuing on to California as he had originally planned. 
Bob Homer was born in Boston, Massachusetts, in 1849, and was a 
member of one of the oldest families in that area. The family was 
founded in 1672 by one Captain John Homer, who had a pros- 
perous shipping business to India and other trade centers of the 
rich and mysterious Far East. 

Bob Homer spent three years as a representative of a trading 
firm and was in France during the Franco-Prussian War. After his 
return, he decided to throw his lot with the western country. A 
chum of his, Frank Sargent, was also intrigued with the western 
plains country. Their interest was kindled by a contact with Dr. 
H. Latham, one of the first surgeons of the Union Pacific Railroad 
at Laramie, who was highly enthusiastic in his praise of the Lara- 
mie Plains as a prospective livestock industry. Bob Homer and 
Frank Sargent arrived in Laramie City in August, 1871, and made 
immediate arrangements to start their ranching adventure. Bob 
Homer stated in his testimony at a water case trial that he leased 
the Lake Ranch (an old stage station) at the tip of the Boulder 
Ridge in 1871. Frank Sargent states that he arrived in Laramie 


City in August, 1871, and started to build corrals and improve- 
ments. He writes in a letter,- "I was informed by residents of the 
place and parties interested in livestock that no sheds or hay were 
needed. Notwithstanding their advice, I purchased 50 tons of hay 
located about ten miles from my ranch. My sheep, about 2,000 
in number, were to arrive by cars the first of September. I 
erected a comfortable log house for myself and men, a stable for 
the horses and corral 240 feet square. My sheep arrived in good 
shape from Iowa with a loss of only 10 or 10'/2 percent. About 
October 13 snow commenced to fall and the storm raged unabated 
for four days without intermission, and a high wind drifted the 
snow. Other storms followed and it was impossible to take care 
of the sheep or get feed to them. The storms continued until the 
middle of April and the sheep perished from starvation. 1 was 
thoroughly disgusted with the business and the country, but finally 
made up my mind to try again. I then purchased a fine ranch 
which would cut 200 tons of hay and purchased 1 ,000 ewes and 
built a fine set of corrals and sheds. I also purchased Cotswold 
rams and saved an increase of 60 percent. The first spring the 
sheep sheared 4 Vz pounds of wool apiece and the wool brought 
30 cents a pound". 

The financial account of Mr. Sargent's venture is interesting. 
He states that his initial investment in the sheep amounted to 
$6,000, permanent improvements $3,300, and the year's running 
expenses totalled $1,930. His returns amounted to $2,700 for 
wool and $1,200 for lambs, a total of $3,900. He adds interest 
at 6 percent on the $9,300 investment to the running expense and 
comes out with a profit of $1,412 for the first year with no payment 
on principal. Bob Homer mentions purchasing the ranch of 
George and Charles Brown in June, 1872, and this ranch is un- 
doubtedly the one which Frank Sargent mentions. This place is 
the site of the present Flag Ranch buildings, located some nine 
miles south of Laramie. Creighton, Hutton, Alsop, Bob Homer 
and Frank Sargent brought sheep to Wyoming in the early '70s 
and thus were among the first in Wyoming to bring in the wooly 
backs. There was never much trouble between the sheep and 
cattle men in Albany County, probably because the early owners 
often owned both sheep and cattle. 

The writer, who was raised on the Flag Ranch and was born 
in the Big House, has vivid memories of the gala house parties 
given when he was just a youngster. Typical Homer hospitality 
was extended during the holiday season, from Thanksgiving to 
New Year's, and their friends from far and near came to enjoy the 
hospitality of their "big house". Bob Homer was a man of 

2. Corthell Collection, University of Wyoming Archives. 


cultured background, who had friends in every walk of life, and 
Belle Stuart Homer was a scion of Boston, and his helpmate in 
every way. Bob Homer's business dealings were above reproach 
and his Puritan thrift and careful business management assured the 
success of any undertaking he was connected with, from ranching 
to banking. It was generally thought that he was well to do, but 
the record books show he had to borrow considerable amounts of 
money from Frank Sargent and from his own father in the early 

An interesting letter from Bob Homer to his father, dated August 
11, 1878, asks for a loan of twenty-five thousand dollars for the 
purchase of cattle from the trail herds coming east from Oregon. 
This letterhead indicates that Sargent and Homer were breeders 
of fine blood Cotswold, Leicester, and Merino sheep, and had rams 
for sale at their ranch at Red Buttes Station, Wyoming Territory. 
The old blacksmith shop, made of enormous logs, still stands on 
the Flag Ranch. This log building was Mr. Homer's original 
homestead cabin on his squatter's claim on Spring Creek, below 
the Billy Rice place in the Sand Creek area. Next to the black- 
smith shop is the carriage house, and the yellow buggy and harness 
of the Homers was still there the last time the writer visited there. 
The little saddle and harness room to the east of the red barn was a 
place aromatic with the sweat and leather smell of harness and 
saddles, and was the scene of many a "rainy day" session when 
hay hands gave the harness and saddles copious applications of 
English saddle soap and neatsfoot oil. 

Bob Homer's standing in the livestock world was well expressed 
by John Clay, manager of the Swan Company and owner of the 
Clay-Robinson livestock Commission firm, who wrote the follow- 
ing when he learned of his friend's demise, "I write of a man whose 
honor was bright as the most brilliant star, who in his quiet way was 
liberal in his charities, who had a keen sense of humor, always 
kindly. In his business dealings, just, conservative in his methods, 
lovable on the ranch, in the bank (Mr. Homer was President of the 
Albany National Bank) or on the Rialto of Chicago where we 
often foregathered. He had the spirit of a cavalier with the thrift 
of a Puritan. He had great mentality, was human, modest, careful 
of his resources, withstanding the financial gales of the west. Most 
of his friends have gone before him, a few left to mourn his depar- 
ture. Rest in Peace". 

One of the first "learners" on the Gresley-Robbins ranch (some 
25 miles west of Laramie) was Clement S. "Ben" Bengough, a 
remittance man from a prosperous and titled English family, who 
had a very fine education. Ben came to Wyoming around 1886 
and spent a year or so at the Gresley-Robbins ranch and then took 
up the relinquishment of another Englishman, Pete Hammersley, 
near Morgan. Here Ben Bengough remained the rest of his life, 


where he lived the life of a recluse most of the time, content to be 
with his fine library, and large amount of mail. He also watched 
his fine big steers wax fat on the fine meadow and high pastures 
of that area. Many interesting anecdotes are told of Ben, who did 
a great amount of reading. Al Mountford, a close friend who 
carried the mail to Morgan, told the writer that he had often 
brought 25 pounds of letters and magazines for Ben. Ben was a 
a Latin scholar and often wrote entire letters in Latin to his sisters 
in England and Johannesburg, South Africa. Once he gave Al 
Mountford a check to cash. When Al presented the check to the 
banker, A. C. Jones (a close personal friend of Ben), he exclaimed 
in some astonishment that it was good — but that it was written in 

Once some miners treed a bear near Ben"s hermitage and called 
upon him to help them pull the beast out of the tree. Ben was 
delighted at the sport but his fearlessness resulted in some painful 
and deep scratches, for he pulled the bear out of the tree and down 
on top of himself. He then decided it would be extraordinary 
sport to box the bear but the miners, after examining his wounds 
and his shredded leather jacket, called off the proposed match. 

Ben received regular remittances from England, but would never 
go back and claim a $300,000 estate left him by an uncle. What 
surprised the writer when visiting the Bengough cabin was Ben's 
dislike for the comforts he had formerly enjoyed. His cabin was 
small, low ceilinged, a dirt-roofed structure which plainly showed 
the effects of many years of "batching" through the heavy coat of 
sooty grease on the roof sills. This primitive dirt-roofed cabin, 
which still stands on Cooper Creek, was indeed a far cry from the 
splendor of his ancestral home in England, the spacious, castle-like 
home known as "The Ridge", Wotton-under-Edge, in faraway 
Britain. A tall, lean, athletic man, Ben loved sports. Al Mount- 
ford related to the writer that Ben used to love to play catch and 
would insist that Al throw the ball as hard as possible. Ben thrived 
on the sport but Al came out with a sore arm and a sore "paddy". 
Another of Ben's eccentricities was his pack of eleven Siberian wolf 
hounds, some of which cost him as high as $125 each. They were 
kept in a pen and were so vicious that he was afraid of them him- 
self and never turned his back on them for fear they would kill him. 
He used to take the hounds out and run coyotes with them and 
apparently caught quite a few for at one time he gave Al Mountford 
some 1 50 pelts to sell in Laramie. This was not profitable however 
for the dogs ate up the profits in dog food. Al always had some 
dog food to bring to Ben, even in the deep of winter. Ben used to 
cook up some Scotch oats, bread, and dog food together and give 
his hounds a mulligan sans meat, unless a few rabbits were avail- 
able occasionally. 

In keeping with his sportsman's blood, Ben liked good horses 


and generally had one or two hot-blooded horses around, according 
to Mrs. Fanny Johnson, who took care of him in his later years. 
Mrs. Johnson told the writer that Ben liked big steers and always 
had some oversized bovines around. When she first moved to the 
Hansell ranch near Ben's homestead, he had a cow and steer which 
he kept until they were six years old. When he shipped them to 
Omaha, Valhalla of large bovines in those days, the steer weighed 
1,975 pounds, and the cow 1,500 pounds, and that's not all ham- 
burger! Their fattening feed had been composed largely of the 
nutritious short grasses of the Laramie Plains. 

Like many another old timer Ben loved to wager and would bet 
his "all" on any estimate of value, weight, or usefulness of any 
favorite animal. Ben had a pet steer which he thought would 
weigh a ton. He bet the "hands" on the 7L ranch, owned by 
Marsh and Cooper, a dozen Stetson hats and a jug of whiskey on 
his belief. He drove the steer to the railroad at Rock Creek, and 
there the scales showed the weight of the steer to be 1,910 pounds, 
according to Al Mountford. The cowboys had agreed to allow a 
shrinkage of 80 to 90 pounds on the trail to Rock Creek, so Ben 
won his bet. He had Stetson hats "to burn" and offered one to 
every friend who visited him for some time afterwards, until the 
supply ran out. The jug of whiskey went the same way but did 
not last so long. 

In 1937, Mr. and Mrs. John Robbins returned for a visit to 
Laramie. John was the man who brought Ben over from England. 
The writer and his father, Otto Burns, accompanied the Robbins' 
on a tour of his early day haunts and that was a most memorable 
trip. The writer will never forget the enthusiastic responses of 
John Robbins and his dear Dad, which were a delight to hear, and 
he'll never forget their enthusiastic response to the unlocking of 
many memories from their subconscious minds, brought forth by 
the stimulation of the scenes of their early manhood when the 
Laramie Plains were indeed a pioneer country. John pointed out 
the ivy at the end of the Bengough cabin which, in 1937, was 
growing profusely. He had brought the plant over from England 
in the '80s. He was overjoyed at seeing a pair of elk horns (quite 
weathered with age) on the gable of the Bengough cabin and 
related with glee how he was with Ben when the elk bearing these 
antlers was shot, way back in the '80s. He took the antlers with 
him back to his home in Texas where he refinished them and put 
them on the wall of his vaulted-ceiling front room. 

During his last years, Ben became embittered toward the town 
of Laramie and for some 18 years, refused to come near the city, 
to him the outpost of civilization. Ben died in 1934, and by his 
wish was buried on the hillside overlooking his ranch from the 
east. Today one can see his grave covered with stones and headed 
by a large grave stone which bears an interesting inscription which 


was Ben's favorite, taken from Robert Louis Stevenson. Here is 
the inscription: 

Clement S. Bengough 
19 Nov. 1934 

This is the Verse you grave for me. 

Here he lies where he longed to be. 
Home is the sailor, home from the sea. 

And the hunter home from the hill. 

An influence in the development of the American west, not 
often mentioned by historians, is that of the British-financed com- 
panies who established great ranches and business enterprises in the 
West during the last 30 years of the 19th century. The short 
grass ranges of Wyoming's Laramie Plains are one area of the 
west which received much help from such companies with their 
importations of purebred livestock, their crop experiments, their 
water development and other progressive enterprises, which took 
money and plenty of it. One of the largest and best known of the 
English companies operating on the Laramie Plains was the Doug- 
las Willan and Sartoris Company. The main spring of this com- 
pany was Jack Douglas Willan, born in Ireland of Scotch parent- 
age. As a young man he migrated to the pioneer west and settled 
first in Larimer County, Colorado, where he engaged in the cattle 

About 1877, his business took him to the La Bonte area near 
Douglas. At once he saw the great possibilities for making money 
by harvesting the abundant native grasses in the form of beef. He 
went to England to interest capital in his ranching project and 
found an immediate response from the Sartoris brothers, Lionel 
and Leonard. The outcome of their interest was the forming of 
the Douglas Willan and Sartoris Company which was incorporated 
in 1883. The new Company purchased ranches in the La Bonte 
region, on the Platte River near Douglas, and the Rand, Briggs 
and Steadman property on the Little Laramie River. This latter 
ranch on the Little Laramie was called the Milbrook ranch and 
was the home ranch of the Company. 

The first interest of the company was the production of "blood- 
ed" horses which were sold throughout the west for saddle and 
harness purposes. In the east, these horses met a ready market 
for general harness purposes as well as to pull the street cars of 
those days which were "horse-powered". Both Shire draft stallions 
and thoroughbred studs were imported, and the Willan horses bear- 
ing the brand JJ on the left shoulder became famous throughout 
the Wyoming range country. Ribbons and medals sufficient to 
cover an entire wall of a room were won by "Breton's Pride", one 
of the outstanding Shire stallions. "Gambretta" and "Lord Ar- 
thur" were other noted stallions used by the Company. The Com- 
pany maintained a livery stable in Laramie, known as the Windsor 


Barn, which was still standing until a few years ago and was known 
as the Pyramid garage in its later years, and before that was the 
Windsor and Winslow Barn. It stood just across the street from 
the old fire station, and the ground is now used as a parking lot. 

Purebred Hereford cattle were also raised by the Willan Com- 
pany. The general manager of the Company, George Morgan Sr., 
was one of the first men to import Hereford cattle into the western 
United States. Jabe Smith came from England with one of the 
first shipments made by the Wyoming Hereford Ranch at Chey- 
enne and the Willan Company at Laramie. 

The growing of the grain crops also claimed the attention of the 
Willan Ranch. They experimented with cereal crops and were 
among the first to prove the potential value of the plains for the 
production of such grain crops. They spent thousands of dollars 
on a "high line ditch" still to be seen on the side of Corner Moun- 
tain, north of the Centennial road (U.S. Highway 130). This 
ditch left the North Fork of the Little Laramie River at the Nelson 
Resort, now Rainbow Lodge, a few miles north of Centennial, 
skirted Corner Mountain, and came out on the Willan Flat, now 
known as the Blackburn Flat. The ditch would never hold on the 
hillside, and later a ditch was taken out lower down on the Little 
Laramie on the present Hein (Wright) ranch. The ditch has 
operated through the years and delivers water to the so-called 
Blackburn Flat, or Willan Farm, which has produced some nice 

The meadows on the Company holdings were carefully devel- 
oped and produced prodigious amounts of native hay. 

The Douglas Willan-Sartoris Company ranch had some 21,000 
acres of deeded land with an investment of approximately two 
million dollars. The Company spent hundreds of thousands of 
dollars improving their property. 

The home ranch on the Laramie Plains was located about 30 
miles west and north of Laramie and was a magnificent layout 
with a number of buildings, including a horse barn holding 125 
tons of hay and many horses. There were other horse barns, a 
buggy barn with stalls for stallions, sheds, bunkhouses, a cook 
house, carpenter shop, scale house, office building, and the "Big 
House." The "Big House" had an enormous recreation room, 
about 30 feet square and two stories high. The huge room was 
lighted by a sky light, and offices and living quarters were arranged 
on two floors facing the recreation room. 

Parties and balls at the various large ranches were social events 
then, and the writer's father, who worked for the Willan Company 
when he first came to Wyoming in 1888, had the job of driving 
the Tallyho six-in-hand to and from Laramie City and the various 
ranches. In fact, they had a taxi service for both passengers and 
freight from Laramie and old Wyoming Station. Among the 
magnificent parties given in the great recreation room at the Willan 


Ranch was one given in 1 890 for the ranch employees. Steve 
Frazer, who had charge of the buggy barns, was given the job of 
rounding up the girls for the dance and Otto Burns called for them 
in the Tallyho. The Company reportedly spent several hundred 
dollars on this party and old timers of the Laramie Plains still 
remember it as a gala event. In fact, Mrs. Mary Bellamy told the 
writer of the fine times she had as a girl accompanying some of her 
girl friends to these ranch parties. Lizzie Fee and Esther Alexan- 
der, later Mrs. Steve Frazer, were among those who attended the 
Willan parties. 

Everyone who ever had anything to do with the Willan outfit 
remembers it with kindly feeling, and the employees were high in 
their praise of it. The writer's close friend, Eli Peterson, is one of 
the few Willan employees now living. Eli is still most enthusiastic 
about the treatment the Willan outfit gave its employees. He 
recently gave the writer a picture showing a number of the Willan 
employees in front of the Horse Barn at the home ranch in 1889. 
Otto Burns is at the left in the front row and Eli identified the 
others. He, himself, was not in the picture for he said that a will- 
ing Swede kid like him was kept busy as chore boy and did not get 
into the picture. The Willan Company went bankrupt in 1892 
and was sold out in parcels by E. J. Bell, a son-in-law of George 
Morgan, Sr. The home ranch is now in ruins, and only the bunk- 
house is standing. 

The Sartoris Brothers were interested in mining properties as 
well as in ranches and put up the "ten-stamp mill", which still 
stands at Keystone. The writer has a copy of an interesting Pros- 
pectus booklet, put out by the Douglas Willan and Sartoris Com- 
pany, which has a complete list of lands, buildings, livestock and 
other improvements. The ruins of the buildings at the ranch and 
the memories of the name and accomplishments of the Willan 
Company are all that remain of the dazzling Douglas Willan and 
Sartoris and Company enterprises. However, some of the fine 
blood persists in the livestock of today in the area, and some of the 
Company's experiments with crops and water development have 
pointed the way to crop production of today. 

The last ranch we shall take a look at is another English outfit 
known as the Oxford Horse Ranch, or Whitehouse and Stokes, 
and later the Whitehouse and Palmer ranch just east of Red Buttes 
station, some 9 miles south of Laramie. Dr. Whitehouse was a 
graduate veterinarian from the Ontario Agricultural College in 
Canada. He formed a partnership with an Englishmen named 
Stokes and they built up quite a ranch, boasting a half-mile track, 
a pack of 54 hounds, and a herd of around 3,000 thoroughbred 
horses grazing on 1 6,000 acres. The large horse barn, still in 
good shape, is typical of the early day horse barns built by the 
English ranchmen. It was built in 1887, and the iron-grilled box 
stalls can still be seen in their original condition on the west side 


of the barn. The large hay mow can be reached at the back, with a 
drive-in from the hill into which the barn is built. The Englishmen 
had many hunts and races, and two of these on the Whitehouse 
place are still spoken of today. 

Dr. Whitehouse purchased a famous race horse from England 
named "Fireball", and paid $1,500 for him. He matched this 
horse with another famous race horse for a side bet of $1,500. 
The money was in gold pieces and this money was kept in a 
buckboard by the side of the race track, and not a single piece was 
molested. The Whitehouse horse, "Fireball" lost the race. 

Axel Palmer, that inimitable old timer who worked on the 
Whitehouse place in the early days and later was a partner in the 
outfit, told some interesting stories about it. He mentioned a 
rather unique pool game in which the stakes were in the form of 
$20 gold pieces in a jack pot half-filling some of the pockets of the 
pool table. 

Axel Palmer came to the ranch in the '80s and hired out and 
his first job was to keep the relief horses ready when a hunt was in 
progress. Scent hounds were used at first, and sight hounds (grey- 
hounds) were released later when the quarry was in sight. Coy- 
otes, wolves, and antelope furnished the quarry. The writer 
remembers very well the large metal kettle which was used to cook 
the meat for these hounds. This kettle was brought over to the 
Flag Ranch of Bob Homer and was used for many years as a kettle 
to scald pigs in at butchering time. 

Dr. Whitehouse was involved in a tragic hunting accident in 
1887 when he accidentally shot George V. H. Gordon, a young 
Englishman, who was dressed in tan hunting clothes and was mis- 
taken for an antelope. John Robbins, a partner of Gresley in the 
'80s, was a member of the hunting party and related the details 
to the writer. 

The party was hunting antelope near the Oscar and Kelly Mar- 
tin, or Winthrop ranch, about seven miles above the present 
Tatham or Leake Ranch and about 70 miles southwest of Laramie 
on the Big Laramie River. Robbins related that he rode horseback 
to Laramie to report the accident. The Laramie Republican of 
September 15, 1887, has an account of the accident. Gordon was 
buried in the Laramie Cemetery and the grave can be found about 
a hundred yards down from the main gate and on the fourth street 
to the east, and to the right. The inscription on the concrete and 
stone crypt reads as follows: "George Vincent Hamilton Gordon, 
late of Oriel College, Oxford, England, Second son of General 
E. H. Gordon R.E., who died Sept. 4, 1887 Age 22 years". 

Dr. Whitehouse sold out, and from 1912 to 1922 was on the 
faculty at the Colorado Agricultural College in the Veterinary 
Division. In 1931, Dr. Whitehouse was principal of the Glasgow 
Veterinary College, and when the writer was at Edinburgh Uni- 
versity in 1931, he called there but Dr. Whitehouse was not in. 


Dr. Whitehouse died in Glasgow in 1944. Mrs. Whitehouse was 
an artist and writer, and Axel Palmer has a drawing she made of 
the famous Oxford Ranch horses rearing up on their hind legs 
while hitched to the breaking cart, with divided seat and rear 
entrance, with Axel Palmer holding the reins and wearing his 
famous dogskin coat. The writer, as a youngster, had many an 
exciting ride in that old breaking cart with Axel Palmer at the reins. 

Axel Palmer died in 1957 at the age of 93, but in his later years 
his humor and vigor were startling for a man of his age. He 
delighted in recalling his escapades of his early years. He and 
brother Gus certainly kept the city marshall busy when they came 
to town and, with their horses, really let the town know they were 
there. The wild Swedes rode or drove into town, generally the 
latter, and would bring their steeds right into the bar even if the 
doors were bulged open to accomodate them. When the Marshall 
came to arrest them, Axel, who had his team stu;:k tight in the door 
of the saloon, gladly handed over the lines to the Marshall, who was 
really stuck along with the horses, and the proprietor would not 
prosecute the crazy Swedes for he felt that they brought much 
business to his place. Axel delighted in telling a story on the 
writer who, as a kid, attended the Red Buttes school along with 
other youngsters, including his daughter, Rena Palmer Lawrence. 
One day the teacher sent Kid Burns home to get clean clothes as 
he had gotten into the mud and soiled his overalls. Now it was 
three miles home and too long a walk so Kid Burns found an 
excavation near the school house where he was out of sight and, 
turning his muddy overalls inside out, he came back to school in 
tidy clean overalls — the dirty side had been turned inside and the 
clean side shown to the world. 

Axel Palmer liked to recite the following verse which depicts the 
change over from range days to modern ranch days, and the printed 
word cannot do justice to his delightful humor and accent and the 
sparkle in his eyes as he told this one: 

The Farmers have come. 

The Cowpunchers must go. 
The work's getting hard. 

And the Wages are low! 
We can ride a wild broncho. 

Or rope a wild cow; 
But be damned if we'll follow 

Either the harrow or the plow! 

So the modern ranch now does some work with the soil, and year 
by year the care of the soil and the meadow and range becomes 
more important. However, the Laramie Plains will always be 
known as fertile producers of beef. 


Courtesy A. S. Gillespie 


Courtesy A. S. Gillespie 

of a Swan Company Cowboy 


A. S. (Bud) Gillespie 

A. S. Gillespie, one of the few old-time cowboys living in Wyoming 
today, was born and raised on a ranch northwest of Laramie, and for 
more than fifty years of his life was engaged in ranching. As a young 
man. he worked for a time for the Swan Land and Cattle Company, 
one of the largest and best known of the cattle companies which was 
established in Wyoming during the "beef bonanza" of the late 18()0's. 
Gillespie is familiar with practices of early-day cowboys as are few 
men today, and his recollections are as authentic as they are interest- 
ing. He retired from active ranching some years ago and now lives 
in Laramie. Ed. 

When I was working for the Swan Land and Cattle Company 
they kept about 12 or 15 cowboys, including a foreman, in their 
employ during the spring, summer and fall work with the cattle. 
Those fellows did no other work than what they could do on a 
horse's back. Also employed were a cook and a horse wrangler 
and a night wrangler, or a "night hawk", as he was called. 

They hired boys about 19 years of age and paid them $20 per 
month for the first year, after which, if satisfactory in their work, 
they were kept on and their wages raised to $25 monthly. The 
third year, if they gave satisfactory service, their wages were raised 
to $30 a month and in the fourth year they were considered to have 
served their full apprenticeship and received a man's wage which 
was $40 monthly. The Company paid their two oldest men in 
length of service a wage of $45 monthly and they were next to the 
foreman who received $75 a month. These men were obliged to 
furnish their own saddles and riding equipment as well as their 
bed rolls. The Company furnished them with a tepee to sleep in. 

In the early days the first work given the cowboys who were 
hired by the Company was to gather the saddle horses. In the 
days before the ranch system the cowboys were without work dur- 
ing the winter. The Company would have the horses gathered 
so as to start the cattle roundup not later then July 15th. There 
were two purposes of this roundup, to gather beef in the late 
summer and fall to ship to market, and to gather cows and calves 
to brand and alter in the late spring. In the early days, until the 
summer of 1895, the brand the Company put on the cattle as well 
as the horses was a horseshoe on the left side of the cattle, and two 
horizontal bars on the left hip of cattle. In 1895 the horseshoe 


brand was eliminated and replaced with a figure indicating the 
year the calf was branded. The Company continued to use the 
horseshoe brand on the left shoulder of their horses as long as they 
operated a livestock business. Similarly, the Two Bar brand was 
used on cattle until they sold out the cattle and afterwards on their 
sheep until the final sale of the lands and livestock. 

The first, or spring roundup, usually lasted about a month on the 
Laramie Plains, then it would go back down below the Sybille 
Mountains and work all the country down into Nebraska. About 
the middle of September the roundup would come back up into the 
Sybille Hills and the Laramie Plains and the men would repeat 
their summer's work. The Company would ship, on an average, 
a train-load of beef a week, and these were loaded on the cars at 
Rock Creek Station, Medicine Bow and old Hutton Station, on the 
old railroad grade about four or five miles south of the present 
community of Bosler, and occasionally at Lookout Station. 

The Company would have a mess-wagon which the cook drove 
and in which he hauled the provisions. Then they used a bed- 
wagon in which they also hauled wood, with the beds piled on top 
of the wood. The "night hawk" drove the bedwagon, in addition 
to his duties of watching the horse cavvy during the night. 

The cook used a pot rack, and Dutch ovens to cook in. For 
fuel the horse wrangler would hang a sack on each side of his 
saddle and go around picking up cow chips for the cook to burn 
when using the Dutch oven. The cook would dig a hole in the 
ground about eight inches deep, and put three or four inches of live 
coals in the bottom of the hole and then set the Dutch oven on this 
hot seat. He put whatever food he wished to cook in the oven, 
then put the lid on it. The lid had a deep edge which flared 
upward and provided a catchment basin for the hot coals, giving 
about two inches of hot coals on top of the lid in addition to the 
coals on the bottom. The oven made a fine place to bake bread 
as well as beans or other food. A long-handled shovel with a hook 
on the opposite end was used to hook the eye of the lid on the 
Dutch oven to lift the lid off. The cook also used the hook to lift 
the pots off the pot-rack hooks which were fastened so they could 
not come off. Everything he boiled he cooked on the pot rack. 

The Swan outfit was the best of all the cattle companies I have 
known. They furnished a variety of good food and plenty of it. 
They would butcher a beef about every third day, serve plenty of 
potatoes, beans, canned goods — about three kinds of canned 
goods — and three kinds of dried fruit, all washed down with plenty 
of good coffee. The greatest cook of all time, as well as a teamster, 
in the writer's opinion, was Ed Held. He made the best suet pud- 
ding that the writer ever ate and had plenty of rice as well. Rice 
and raisins were cooked together for dessert when the cook did not 
make suet pudding. 

Each rider was furnished with a string of nine horses. Six of 


these were circle horses, two were cow horses and one a night 
horse. In the morning riders would catch their circle horses, 
throwing their ropes as soon as it was light enough to identify 
their own horse. They would eat breakfast at 3:30 in the morn- 
ings, break camp before sunup, and make a drive. One of the 
top men would take the drive to the right and another to the left. 
They would have these cattle at the roundup grounds by 9:00 A.M. 
Then they would rush into their camp. The horse wrangler would 
have the horse cavvy in the corral ropes, so they could catch their 
cow horses. They would then go back to the herd and cut out the 
beef cattle. They came into camp for dinner about 10:00 A.M. 
After dinner they would catch another circle horse, make a circle, 
and bunch the cattle at a designated place which the foreman 
selected. Then they would go to camp, catch another cow horse, 
and then back to the herd to work out another group of prime 

They never shipped a steer until he was fat and smoothed up, if 
they had to keep him until he was seven or eight years old. They 
had to be beef. There were no cattle feeders in those days. The 
camping sites would be about seven or eight miles apart. They 
would have supper about 4 P.M. and would often move three or 
four miles after supper. They made it a practice to keep up with 
the beef herd with their wagons. They handled the beef herd so as 
not to cause them to shrink in weight from being moved too fast. 

In those early days when the steers, cows and calves ran together 
on the same range they could not work so fast. Often they would 
catch so many cows and calves on the morning drive that they 
would not have the time to get the calves branded, so they would 
have to hold over long enough in the afternoon to brand the calves. 
That branding would perhaps spoil the afternoon for any other 

The Company bought all of their saddle and work stock un- 
broken, preferring geldings and having no mares. The Company 
in the earliest days had owned mares but it was found that a gelding 
could be bought cheaper than they could raise them. Two of the 
best "bronc busters" were detailed to break the saddle broncs. 
This work would be done at one of the ranches where there were 
good corrals. 

The bronc buster did not ride the broncs many times until the 
riders on the range could handle them. First he halter-broke the 
horses. Then he would tie a hind foot up, so as to gentle him, pet 
him all over and get on his bare back and crawl around on top of 
his back. Next he would put his saddle on him and get off and on 
from both sides and slide off behind. After the broncs responded 
to all of these tactics, the rider would untie the hind foot, mount, 
then get the horse to moving around, turning him first one way and 
then the other until he became bridle-wise. He would ride the 
bronc about twice in the corral and if some progress had been 


made with the other methods practiced on him, would ride the 
bronc around the corral for a short time with another rider acting 
as a helper. The helper would open the gate and ride out with the 
fellow on the bronc and haze him along when the bronc needed it. 
The hazer would keep the bronc away from places he might get 
into trouble, riding between the bronc and a fence, and he would 
sometimes have to haze the bronc back into the corral if he were 
wild. Ordinarily a horse would need to be ridden five times to get 
him well enough broken for the riders on the roundup to use. The 
bronc would have to be taught to stand during saddling. 

After the Swan Land and Cattle Company got their lands to 
producing enough hay to feed a large portion of their she-stock, 
riders had work the year round. Soon after the last of the ship- 
ments was made in the fall and all of the calves branded, they 
would round up the cows and wean the calves. Generally they 
would winter the bulk of the calves at the Rock Ranch which was 
down near Torrington on the North Platte River. The riders 
would be taken off and distributed around among the different 
ranches to pitch hay out to the cattle. A small number of the 
riders would be kept to ride the year around. In the winter they 
would keep riding through the she-stock, and any animals that 
were not keeping up flesh while grazing would be cut out and 
taken to a ranch where there was hay. 

Many of these men worked for that Company for 15 years or 
more. If some of them wanted to get married, the Company would 
put them on one of the ranches. 

The Swan Land and Cattle Company had three strings of horses 
for each rider. The horses that were ridden all winter would rest 
all summer after the horse roundup. The first job for the riders 
was turning the cattle out of all of the different pastures. After the 
first go-round of shipping beef and branding calves, the riders 
would turn that string of horses loose and catch up a fresh string to 
start another go-round of branding calves and shipping dry fat cows 
in the Goshen Hole country. 

An amusing thing happened in connection with counting cattle 
soon after Finlay Dun was appointed manager of the Swan Land 
and Cattle Company. The common method of counting cattle on 
the range was the book count which was not accurate and not 
satisfactory. One of the first things Dun was asked to do was to 
count the cattle. He knew the cattle were too scattered to get them 
into a bunch to count them, so he decided to put a tally mark on 
them with paint whenever they were encountered. 

He started the roundup wagon out with the usual number of 
cowboys. They made a big drive, roped and pulled down every 
animal with the Two Bar brand, put a large paint mark on each 
one, and all the cattle were counted. But it had taken so long to 
round up all of the cattle on the open range that the cattle com- 
menced to shed their hair and the paint mark shed off with the hair. 


So the mark was not permanent and all of the work did not accom- 
plish a thing. The cow-punchers composed a little ditty, which 
they sang and recited frequently with great glee: 

"Daddy Dun's a dandy 
But his paint won't stick." 

Smooth the Way 


Dick J. Nelson 

Let us smooth the way for others 

And make of life the most, 
Let us make the phrase 'my friend 1 

Mean more than an idle boast. 

Let us praise sincere endeavor, 
When praise will spur it on. 

Let us not withold kind words 
Until the friend is gone. 

Let us uphold the Christian spirit, 
Help make life a beautiful dream. 

Let us do these things before the hour 
One is called to 'cross God's stream'. 





;HW Mm 

mmsk Jm 



Courtesy Montana Historical Society 

bozeman and the bozeman Zrail 


Burton S. Hill 

In January, 1863, John Merin Bozeman reached Bannack, in 
Idaho Territory 1 , which part was to become Montana Territory 
May 26, 1 864.- It was for his third attempt at gold mining. When 
the news came of the rich discoveries on nearby Grasshopper Creek 
in the Beaverhead Valley, he oined the rush" and made Bannack 
his headquarters. Born in January, 1837, in Pickin County, 
Georgia 4 , he was only twenty-six when he reached Bannack, but 
even by that time his movements and experiences had been many 
and varied. 

When Bozeman was only twelve, his attention was turned to the 
West when his father, leaving a wife and five small children, joined 
the 1849 California gold rush. After his departure, when no 
word was ever heard from him, or of him, his family concluded 
that he had met death on the Overland journey. But this did not 
deter bold and adventurous young Bozeman. 

Closely following the example set by his father, in 1860 John 
joined the Green Russell crowd in Georgia Gulch, Colorado. 
Married to Lucinda C. Ingram, January 9, 1856, he left her to shift 
for herself with their three small daughters, Linda, Lila and Martha 
C, while he hoped to accumulate riches in the Colorado mines. 
Unfortunately, though, when Bozeman reached his objective, the 
better claims had been taken, and he was glad to accept the 
invitation of the Stuart Brothers in Idaho Territory. 

In the fall of 1860 and the spring of 1861, James and Granville 
Stuart found gold while prospecting in the Rocky Mountains of 
Idaho. At this, they wrote to their brother Thomas, then in Colo- 
rado, urging him to come at once. Thomas showed this letter to 
other young men who were also digging for Colorado gold, and 
soon got up a party of twelve who were willing to make the change. 
Amona; these were John M. Bozeman who soon afterwards arrived 

1. Merrill G. Burlingame, "John M. Bozeman," Montana Trailmaker, 
(The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. XXVII. No. 4, March, 
1941) pp. 542-568, hereafter cited as Burlingame. 

2. Contributions of the Historical Society of Montana Vol. VII, p. 283, 
hereafter cited as Contributions. 

3. Burlingame, p. 542. 

4. Burlingame, p. 541, Note 2. There is some belief that Bozeman came 
from Coweta County, Georgia, but this does not appear to be true. 


in Deer Lodge Valley, where he remained during the summer of 

1862. But the mines gave only meager returns. The confining 
and arduous work little appealed to one so restless and roving as 
Bozeman, and after a few short months he was glad of the oppor- 
tunity to seek the Beaverhead Valley. But once again he met with 
disappointment. Since all the favorable locations in the new Ban- 
nack diggings had been taken, he soon began to lose his enthusiasm 
for mining. Again he found the work so laborious, and so foreign 
to his astatic and creative makeup, that he began to cast about for 
a more congenial and attractive occupation. 

With the development of the Idaho mines and new gold discov- 
eries, it quickly appealed to Bozeman that a short route from the 
outside territory to Bannack was needed to accommodate the 
steady migration. Up to that time there had been two slow and 
expensive routes to Bannack. One was the water route up the 
Missouri River to Fort Benton and thence to the mines. The other 
was the southern route over the Oregon Trail to Fort Hall and then 
north a long distance mostly over barren plains. 

Bozeman envisioned a direct route overland through the heart 
of the Sioux country to the Platte. He argued that the distance 
would be shorter and more direct, and that along the way there 
would be plenty of grass and water, and an abundance of wood. 
Almost immediately his enthusiasm attracted John M. Jacobs, a 
kindred spirit who had been in the northwest a number of years. 
Jacobs was a red-bearded Italian from the valley of Deer Lodge. 
He had married an Indian woman and knew the ways of the red 
men along the overland trails where he had been engaged in trading 
for cattle. In the spring of 1862 he had been guide for a train of 
forty wagons from Soda Springs to Walla Walla, where he had 
gained considerable experience in that type of endeavor. 

In the spring of 1863, Bozeman and Jacobs, with the eight-year- 
old half-breed daughter of Jacobs, left Bannack to mark out the 
new road. Enroute to the Platte, they gained the Three Forks of 
the Missouri, crossed the Gallatin Valley, and left it through what 
is now known as Bozeman Pass. To locate a favorable route over 
which they could guide an emigrant train was their objective, but 
numerous reverses and misadventures so repeatedly harrassed them 
that their progress was slow and tormented. 5 

At the mouth of the Big Horns on the Yellowstone they skirted 
an Indian war party , and fifty miles further along, on May 1 1 , 

1863, they had a scare from the James Stuart Yellowstone Expedi- 
tion. Stuart and his companions had been in search of gold, when 
at seven o'clock in the evening of that day, across the river, they 

5. Ibid., pp. 542-543. 

6. Ibid., p. 543. 


spied what they took to be three whites with six horses. Three 
were packed and three were being ridden. As they approached 
from a distance of about three-fourths of a mile, Stuart hailed the 
trio, but received no return greeting. They only kept their course, 
and quickened their pace. Stuart was actually hailing Bozeman 
and Jacobs but did not know it at the time, and neither did Boze- 
man recognize his greeter. Fear of an attack by Indians or an 
unfriendly party kept the trail-makers on the run, while Stuart 
only wanted to get the news and invite them into camp. 

After his manifestations of peace and good will, Stuart became 
apprehensive when the Bozeman trio did not respond, but made 
haste to get away. With the belief that they might be outlaws on 
the loose, he sent a group out with orders to return with them dead 
or alive, and to capture their pack horses and provisions. A chase 
of ten miles followed but finally had to be abandoned with no 
results since the pursuers were far outdistanced. They found only 
a fry-pan and a pack of cards the trio had dropped on the trail in 
their flight towards the Red Buttes on the North Platte, which was 
their objective. 

But two days later in the Powder River country, the Bozeman 
party did run into real trouble when they suddenly came upon a 
band of seventy-five or eighty mounted Indians. Realizing the 
seriousness of the situation, and knowing resistance would be hope- 
less, Jacobs managed to drop his rifle and bullet pouch in a sage- 
brush patch before the Indians drew near. His presence of mind 
later proved to be perceptive since they were immediately stripped 
of everything else, and only after a stormy discussion among their 
captors were they allowed to remain alive. In exchange for their 
horses they were left three broken down ponies; and before their 
slow departure, the Indians administered a severe beating to 
Jacobs 1 little daughter as a punishment for being in company with 
white men." 

When the enemy was finally out of sight, Jacobs' rifle and bullet 
pouch were retrieved from the sage brush, and all possible haste 
was made to evacuate the dangerous neighborhood. They did not 
even remain long enough to kill and dry any meat before they 
realized they had passed out of the buffalo range. This proved to 
be a serious error since Jacobs had only five bullets for his rifle, 
and they were soon exhausted in an attempt to provide small game. 
It was only after severe hardships and near starvation that the 
Bozeman party finally reached the North Platte a short distance 
west of Deer Creek. s 

It does not appear to be recorded when the trail makers reached 

7. Burlingame, p. 543. Granville Stuart in The Yellowstone Expedition 
of 1863, J 876, Contributions, Vol. I, pp. 187-188. 

8. Ibid., p. 188. 


their stopping place, but on July 1 a train was being assembled on 
the nearby Oregon Trail, preparing for the journey to Bannack. 
Bozeman and Jacobs had aroused considerable interest among the 
emigrants on the trail who had heard much of the rich Grasshopper 
Creek diggings, and they were anxious to get started. 9 

According to the diary of Colonel Samuel Word, he left St. 
Joseph, Missouri on May 7, 1863 10 , and reached the wagon ren- 
dezvous just in time to join the train which moved forward about 
eight o'clock on the morning of July 6. They left some eight miles 
above Deer Creek and set out in a northwesterly direction, hoping 
to reach Bannack in about six weeks. After starting, five other 
wagons overtook them, making a total wagon force of 46, with 89 
men. James Brady, of Missouri, was chosen Captain, and their 
three guides were John Jacobs, Bozeman and Rafeil. The latter 
was to guide them to the Big Horns and the other two were to 
take over at that point. 11 

On July 14, the train reached the Dry Fork on Powder River, 
crossed over, and pitched camp. They found the water clear and 
pure, with plenty of cottonwoods everywhere. Game was also 
plentiful. Four days later, Crazy Woman Creek was reached 
where camp was made for a day. Word tells of a clear cold stream 
from which a mess of fish was caught. But an early start was 
ordered for the following morning since the guides advised that 
there would be a twenty-mile trek without water. Lodge Pole 
Creek [sic] Clear Creek, was reached about noon on the 20th, 
and camp was made at a location near the present site of Buffalo, 
Wyoming. 12 

Up to that time, nothing of unusual interest had been happening 
except a marriage which had taken place several days before. 
Both Word, in his diary, and James Kirkpatrick in his Reminis- 
cence of John Bozeman, tell about it. A young woman who left 
her husband on the Platte was married to a young man named 
Beaumont, by John Bozeman who had absolutely no authority to 
perform such a ceremony. He was not a preacher or an officer 
of any kind, but when the parties insisted he complied, having 
Word make out a certificate for him. But regardless of the irregu- 
larity of the proceeding, some of the matrons were urgently of the 
opinion that the couple should have been joined in wedlock long 
before, thereby ending a scandal brazenly prolonged. 13 

9. Burlingame, p. 544. 

10. Diary of Colonel Samuel Word, Contributions VIII, p. 37. 

11. Ibid., pp. 58-59. 

12. Ibid., p. 66. Burlingame, p. 545. 

13. James Kirkpatrick, A Reminiscence of John Bozeman, State Univer- 
sity of Montana, 1920, p. 5, hereafter cited as Kirkpatrick. Word, Contri- 
butions VIII, p. 69. Burlingame, 546. 


Thus far on the journey the days had been fine and conditions 
favorable. Campfires enlivened the nightly scene and there was 
always accordian and violin music, as well as songs and stories. 
To further while away pleasant evening hours, Jacobs usually had 
a fund of anecdotes about the Bannack mining days, and he told 
of Indian life in wigwams of the Deer Lodge. 14 Bozeman, a fine 
looking Georgian of somewhat light complexion, was not as voluble 
as Jacobs, but was described by Kirkpatrick as a manly fellow in 
his fine suits of fringed buckskin. 1 "' 

Among the various noteworthy happenings while the train was 
camped on Clear Creek was the appearance of a large bear, com- 
ing out of a clump of willows close by. He showed up just at 
noon spoiling for a fight, and against the admonition of Bozeman 
a number of the men flew to the fray with lamentable results. 
Before Bruin was put out of the way by some of the others with 
more prudence and less assiduity, he had caused a few painful 
scratches and cuts. Four men brought him into camp slung on a 
sapling. A grizzled old veteran with a growth of gray stubble on 
his chin, who had been prominent in the chase, was presented with 
a claw, Ed Walters, one of the wounded, with a tooth, and a man 
named Baker got the hide. 16 

After the bear fortuity, and the stock had been brought about 
in preparation for moving on, a large band of mounted Indians 
was detected on the slope of a distance ridge. The telescope re- 
vealed that they were well armed with bows and arrows, and a few 
with sawed-off shotguns, but as they briskly approached, and 
finally stopped a hundred yards away, they made signs of peace and 
good will; however, by that time the camp was in confusion. With 
cautious dispatch the stock was corraled and roped in, while arms 
were hurriedly taken up. But when the guides found squaws in 
the party, which assured a peaceful attitude, the tension was re- 
laxed and the Indians allowed to approach for a parley. There 
were about 125 of them, who promptly squatted around a wagon 
sheet spread nearby on the ground. 17 

The women of the train thought they must offer a feast as a 
token of friendship, but Bozeman remonstrated that the Indians 
would accept such a gesture as a sign of fear. He was right, since 
no sooner had the dishes been laid than a young buck scornfully 
spurred his horse to ride over the spread. In the anticipation that 
something of this kind might happen, from his position in the center 
of the corral among the oxen, Bozeman drew a bead on the rash 
young savage. However, just before he pulled the trigger an old 

14. Kirkpatrick. p. 4. 

15. Ibid., p. 6. 

16. Ibid., p. 6. Word, Contributions VIII. p. 67. 

17. Ibid., pp. 5-6. Word, p. 67. 


Chief sprang to his feet and saved the day by grabbing the bridle 
and sitting the horse on his haunches. With loud and caustic re- 
monstrations directed toward the brave, he led his horse out of the 
crowd and the young buck was dispatched galloping to his tepee 
over the hill. Another moment might have meant serious conse- 
quences, with the train in inexorable difficulty with all the Sioux 
and Cheyennes in the region. 

Dinner being over and enjoyed, the spokesman for the Indians 
made known their errand. They resolutely explained that the 
territory about was the only extensive game country remaining in 
the entire west, and that a wagon road through it would mean 
disaster. The antelope and buffalo would be driven away, and 
starvation for their squaws and papooses would result. The train 
could return to the Platte if desired; otherwise, all the Sioux and 
Cheyennes, already warned by nightly signal fires on the Big Horn 
Mountains, would collect to drive it back. 1 * 

Since these new developments would require private consultation 
the Indians were asked to retire until a decision could be reached. 
They left with a telescope and nine bridles concealed under their 
blankets, besides a square meal which they had well enjoyed. One 
young man was left behind as a courier. 111 

The situation was reviewed by several of the prominent men. 
Bozeman advised going through, explaining that they were well 
armed, could travel in a double line and could keep strict guard 
day and night. He rationalized that having mostly oxen, a stam- 
pede would be not easy and one could be stolen which would mean 
a great advantage. Jacobs and the other guides concurred, and 
Captain Brady urged going on in spite of the risk of losing his four 
teams and valuable outfit. 20 

At the conclusion of the Captain's speech, the young Indian 
came forward and shook his hand. He confirmed the tradition that 
his people admired bravery even in an enemy. However, most of 
the men, while still undecided, seemed to favor giving up the 
expedition on account of the risk to their families, so the Indian 
courier was sent back with the message that a decision would be 
reached in three days. 1 ' 1 Immediately upon his departure it was 
determined to dispatch a messenger back to the military posts along 
the Platte requesting an escort, and Lieutenant William Coleman 
volunteered to make the ride. He was a conspicuously dependable 
young man much liked and admired. For many years afterward 
he was a prominent resident of Deer Lodge, Montana. Well 
mounted, he departed at midnight, with the admonition that if he 

18. Ibid., p. 6. Word, pp. 66-67. 

19. Ibid., p. 6. Word, p. 67. 

20. Ibid., p. 6. Word, p. 67. 

21. Kirkpatrick, p. 6. 


did not return in three days it could be inferred that he had been 
captured by the Indians. 22 

At the expiration of a long and anxious three-day wait, when 
Coleman had not returned, John Bozeman offered to guide all who 
might wish to proceed. His only provision was that there must be 
at least eight wagons; but only four pulled into line. The remaining 
forty-one had already drawn up in the direction of the Platte, when 
most unexpectedly the brave young lieutenant came galloping into 
camp no worse for his adventurous ride. 

However, Coleman's news was not favorable. There would be 
delays among the military men since permission had to be obtained 
from Washington; yet a company of soldiers did volunteer to 
undertake the mission. They were on the way with a cannon and 
supplies, but the train was already moving in the direction of the 
Oregon Trail and would not turn back.- 1 '' This did not include 
Bozeman. He had organized a party of nine horsemen besides 
himself, with a pack animal, to continue the journey. 

The party left the train at midnight. Considerable research 
reveals the names of only two who made the ride with Bozeman. 
They were George W. Irvin, II, later a prominent citizen of Butte, 
Montana, and Mike J. Knock, who afterwards became engaged in 
cabinet making and gunsmith work in Bozeman. 24 

To evade the Indians, the party traveled only at night, but the 
second night out, the pack horse stumbled and fell into a deep 
ravine, losing all the supplies. Instead of heading north from 
Clear Creek, as appears to be the impression in some quarters, 
the party took a westerly route over the Big Horn Mountains from 
the headwaters of Powder River into the Wind River country. 
But before turning northward, the travelers reached a point south- 
west of the present town of Thermopolis, Wyoming. The way was 
extremely difficult, with utter vexation and distress. But in later 
years, when Irvin was recounting the ride, he remarked, "There 
was one, however, who knew no such word as fail. It was John 
Bozeman. He succeeded in imparting to us some of his restless 
energy and inspiring us with his indomitable courage. The march 
was again taken up. ,,2r ' 

On the headwaters of Clark's Fork of the Yellowstone, a four- 
day fast was ended by Bozeman shooting an eagle. The bird did 
little to appease the hunger of ten men, but it helped, even without 
salt. Yet, with all the difficulties and hardships, and the tiresome 
night marches through an unknown and unyielding country, there 
was no sickness, no casualty of any importance, and little com- 

22. Ibid., pp. 6-7. 

23. Ibid., p. 7. 

24. Burlingame, p. 546, and notes. 

25. Ibid., p. 547, and notes. 


plaint. When the Yellowstone River was eventually reached, no 
Indians had been encountered. This stream was followed in a 
westerly direction to its great bend. It was Irvin who named the 
low crest of the divide between the Yellowstone and Gallatin 
Valleys the Bozeman Pass, by which name it is still known. 

Irvin's account points up another well-remembered incident 
which took place on the Three Forks of the Missouri, at the con- 
fluence of the Gallatin, the Madison and Jefferson rivers. At an 
angle of the Gallatin, the party came upon two white men cooking 
a meal, who at first thought them to be Indians. After being con- 
vinced otherwise, these fellows proved to be friendly and hospit- 
able. The smell of frying bacon was too much for the voracious 
party, and in a very short time each member had made a meal of 
the rich food. During the night and following morning the larder 
of the two generous gentlemen was cleaned, and of necessity they 
had to accompany the Bozeman party to Alder Gulch, arriving 
early in August. 26 

With his restless energy and love for adventure, Bozeman could 
never be content in any mining camp. Along with his amiable and 
generous disposition, this handsome 200-pound man had no con- 
ception of fear and never knew fatigue. Not the least discouraged 
with the failure of his 1863 expedition, by mid-winter he was 
attached to a small wagon train enroute from Virginia City to Salt 
Lake City. 27 The possession of over $80,000 in gold dust and 
treasury notes by members of the wagon and pack train was known 
to the Virginia City road agents, then at their height. Constant 
vigilance, a foiled hold-up, and a long dispute over the spoils ob- 
tained from the bandits, furnished entertainment throughout this 
journey. 28 

John Jacobs returned to the Platte from Clear Creek with the 
short-lived and failing expedition of 1863, and later showed up in 
Denver, Colorado. 29 And, by the long route, Samuel Word with 
many others of that ill-fated junket finally made it to Bannack. 
Word arrived on September 29, 1863, seeming to be greatly disap- 
pointed with the shack town he looked upon. In his diary he 
describes it as a hard-looking place with over 100 houses or 
shanties scattered along the canyon, but with grocery stores, baker- 
ies and restaurants all doing a good deal of business. 30 

It is generally accepted that the Bozeman Trail started from Fort 
Laramie, and headed northwesterly along the Oregon Trail to the 
Bridger Crossing of the Platte. This point is a mile and a half 

26. Ibid., p. 547. 

27. Ibid., pp. 547-548. 

28. Ibid., p. 548. 

29. Kirkpatrick, p. 7. 

30. Word, Contributions VIII, p. 92. 


south of Orin, and west of the C.B. & Q. Railroad tracks. From 
across the river it passed the location where Douglas now stands, 
and where Fort Fetterman was established in 1867. From there it 
took a northwesterly course through that area which is now Con- 
verse County, Wyoming, passing Brown's Springs, up across Sand 
Creek to Antelope Springs, to a point on the Dry Fork of Powder 
River, later to become well known as the Seventeen Mile Ranch. 
It was so named since it was that distance down Dry Fork to its 
confluence with Powder River, the location of the Bozeman Trail 
Crossing. On the west side of the Crossing the trail took a north- 
erly course for some four miles to a point where Fort Connor was 
located on August 14, 1 865. 31 Two miles north of the fort the trail 
veered northwest for about twenty miles, then turn almost due 
north to Crazy Woman Creek. 

The trail reached Crazy Woman Creek from a high hill over- 
looking the entire valley. It came down this hill in a northeasterly 
direction to Dry Fork, which it crossed at the extreme east end 
before crossing Crazy Woman Creek, on the north side of which 
was a favorite camping ground for the emigrants. 

After continuing northwesterly a distance of some five miles, 
the trail turned northward and kept that course for ten miles before 
changing directions slightly to the northeast. On this course it 
reached the Big Spring after a march of four or five miles, which 
point is just east of the present buildings on the Cross H Ranch, 
and some three or four hundred yards east of the present Highway 
87. This was another favorite resting place for the emigrants, 
although the real camping ground was four miles northward on 
Clear Creek, about a mile east of Buffalo. 

From Clear Creek the Bozeman trail headed northward across 
the present Johnson County fair grounds to a point on Rock Creek, 
about two miles east of Highway 87, when it turned northwesterly 
for a distance of five miles. A short distance west of the present 
M & M Ranch house, it turned north again and followed that 
course from Shell Creek west of both Lake DeSmet and Highway 
87 until it reached a cut in the high hills just south of Piney. It 
went through this cut, which is only a short distance from the high- 
way, and then headed westward for about a mile. It then turned 
almost due north to a point where it crossed Big Piney Creek. 
Before the crossing, and just west of the trail, on a table land north 

31. Renamed Fort Reno. Vie Willits, (now Garber) The Bozeman 
Trail, University of Wyoming, MS, 1908. Hereafter cited as Willits. Hafen 
and Young, Fort Laramie, The Arthur H. Clark Co., Glendale, California. 
1938, p. 351. Fort Connor was actually rebuilt in the summer of 1866 on 
practically the same location, and renamed Fort Reno. This fact has many 
times been confirmed by soldiers stationed there, and who later were known 
to the writer. 


of Little Piney, the celebrated Fort Phil Kearny was located in the 
summer of 1866. 

The Big Piney ford was about one-fourth of a mile north of the 
present Geier Ranch house, and from there the trail reached the 
crest of the hill. After reaching high ground, it kept a northwest- 
erly course through the Prairie Dog country along what is now the 
present Highway 87, finally reaching a ford on Little Goose Creek 
near Big Horn in Sheridan County. It crossed Big Goose at 
Beckton, then up through Dayton and Ranchester to the Gallatin 
Valley in Montana past Fort C. F. Smith, constructed in 1866. 
From the Seventeen Mile Ranch, the Bozeman Trail traversed 
Johnson County diagonally from south to north, as well as Sheridan 
County. The greater part of the entire trail lay in what is now 
Wyoming. 32 

From early in 1864, many emigrant trains steered their tedious 
way from points east over the Bozeman Trail into Montana, which 
became a territory that year. Unfortunately, few of these convoys 
kept any records, since perhaps their treks were completed without 
memorable incident. Yet, a few diaries were kept, and one of them 
was written and preserved by T. J. Brundage, late of Farmersville, 
California. In July of 1864, Mr. Brundage and his brother 
George, long a resident of Sheridan, Wyoming, came through on 
one of these trains. They were young men at the time and both 
became important citizens. In his diary Mr. Brundage wrote: 
"The magnitude of our train was 369 men, 36 women, 56 children, 
1 50 wagons, 636 oxen, 194 cows, 79 horses and 10 mules. Valua- 
tion, $130,000. The train could shoot 1,641 times without re- 
loading." 33 

While little may have been recorded about a number of the 
Montana bound convoys of 1 864, this does not apply to the Town- 
send and Coffinbury trains. These took to the Bozeman Trail in 
July of that year, and the difference may have been that they had 
experiences worth remembering. This is particularly true of Cap- 
tain Townsend's train, also one of 150 wagons, 34 with a gun 

32. Willits. Hebard and Brininstool, The Bozeman Trail, The Arthur 
H. Clark Company, Cleveland, 1922. p. 120, hereafter cited as Hebard 
and Brininstool. This is a map prepared by Grace Raymond Hebard show- 
ing the trail to have started at Fort Sedgwick. Yearly maps of the Wyoming 
State Highway Department always show the course of the trail through 
Wyoming. As few as thirty years ago the ruts on the Bozeman were 
plainly visible at intervals along the entire trail, and could easily be followed, 
which the writer has done. 

33. Hebard and Brininstool, p. 22 and note p. 57. Willits. 

34. David B. Weaver, Captain Townsend's Battle on The Powder River, 
Contributions VIII, p. 289 (attributed to Mrs. W. J. Beall), hereafter cited 
as Weaver. 


strength of 1,900 shots without reloading.' 5 These included the 
shots from a number of Henry rifles owned by several members of 
the train. 36 The Henry was a 16-shot lever-action repeater with a 
tubular magazine below the barrel. It was patented in 1 860 and 
manufacture was commenced in 1861. By 1862 the Henry was 
well into production, and in 1 864 it was beginning to find its way 
to the frontier. The barrel and magazine tube of this rifle extended 
back a few inches behind the muzzle, and the magazine swung 
down for loading. Cartridges were pushed forward for feeding by 
a coil spring inside the tube. Protruding through the slit in the 
bottom of the tube near the receiver was a thumb latch attached 
to the spring. To load it was only necessary to push the latch 
forward, which compressed the spring in the forward section of 
the tube. Swinging this section open the cartridge dropped down 
the tube base first. The receiver of the Henry was made of brass. 
As long as the weak .44-caliber rim-fire cartridges were used, brass 
was satisfactory. It was an expensive metal but easy to work. 

Compared to modern fire arms the Henry did not have a long 
range, but at short distances it was accurate and effective. At 
least, it was a decided improvement over the old muzzle-loaders 
still in common use. In 1 864 the only other firearm to compare 
with it was the Spencer. It, too, was a repeater. The stock con- 
tained a seven-shot tubular magazine. It was an arm popular 
among the Union troops during the latter portion of the Civil War 
and later, but the Henry appeared to be far more popular on the 
frontier.'' 7 

David B. Weaver, Mrs. W. J. Beall, a long time resident of Boze- 
man, Montana :HS , and E. O. Railsback 39 , late of Billings, Montana, 
were the chief collaborators regarding the Townsend Train. They 
did not say how many Henry rifles were on hand, but said that they 
did go far in saving the day for the convoy before it reached its 
destination. Mrs. BealFs account of the journey was given in 
191 1. 40 She was a young woman in 1864, and Mr. Railsback was 
a small boy of five; but as late as 1940 he had a clear recollection 
of his experiences on the way to Montana. His story appears in 
the November-December, 1940, number of Old Travois Trails.^ 

The Townsend Train was assembled at the Reshaw Bridge near 
the present town of Evansville, Wyoming. The Railsback wagon 

35. E. O. Railsback, "The Townsend Train". Old Travois Trails, Powder 
River Number, November-December, 1940, hereafter cited as Railsback. 

36. Contributions VIII, p. 291. 

37. James E. Serven, "The Arrival of Cartridge Guns," Cans Magazine, 
March, 1964, p. 23. 

38. Contributions, p. 283. 

39. Railsback, p. 13. 

40. Weaver. Contributions VIII, p. 288. 

41. Railsback, pp. 13-16. 


came all the way from a place below Ottumwa, Iowa, leaving there 
on April 19, 1864. 42 Another ox team owned by George Gibbony, 
a native of Philadelphia, and his partner, Isaac Best, came from 
Lynn County, Iowa. Mr. Gibbony later recalled many of the 
events incident to the Townsend Train while it made its way north- 
ward to the Gallatin Valley in Montana. 4 * 

All three collaborators remember the various Townsend Train 
happenings very much the same, differing only in minor details. 
The convoy started from the Reshaw Bridge in the latter part of 
June, 1864, and reached Powder River at its Dry Fork crossing on 
July 3. Camp was pitched near there on the west side with the 
intention of remaining several days to recuperate the horses and 
cattle. Time would also be provided for the women of the train 
to bake bread and put out the family washing. In the evening of 
the following day, being July 4th, the men staged a celebration, 
firing in unison every muzzle-loading gun and revolver in camp. 
This also afforded an opportunity to reload with fresh charges in 
the event of an Indian attack. 44 

On the evening of the 8th, while preparations were being made 
for an early hook-up and departure the following morning, orders 
were issued that the train would make a short march and pitch a 
new camp that night. This move was deemed necessary to prevent 
a possible Indian attack, and was ordered by Captain Townsend 
upon the advice of Mitch Bouier and John Richards, the two 
guides. The convoy was piloted northwestward up a stream now 
known as Soldier Creek, a distance of about three miles, to a 
cottonwood grove. At this location the new camp was set up, but 
the wagons were not corraled and the stock was turned out to graze. 

During the summer of 1939 E. O. Railsback returned to the 
Dry Creek crossing with George G. Oster of Billings, Montana. 
With the assistance of the late Harvey Turk of Kaycee, Wyoming, 
he was able to locate and identify the site of the Townsend Train 
camp of July 9, 1864. On July 7, 1940, he visited the spot again 
in company with George G. Oster and Charles D. Schreibeis, editor 
of Old Travois Trails. At that time, in some detail, he narrated 
the events of a battle the Townsend Train had with the Indians 
commencing on the morning of July 9, 1864. 

With the Train there were two brothers whose cow had not been 
located on the 8th, and on the following morning one of them 
returned to their Powder River crossing camp to look for her. Mr. 

42. Ibid., p. 13. 

43. Weaver, Contributions VIII, p. 287. 

44. Weaver, Contributions VIII, p. 288. Railsback, p. 14. The above 
citation from the Weaver article is Mrs. W. J. Beall's story on Captain 
Townsend's battle with the Indians, but does not contain any reference to 
the July 4th celebration mentioned in the Railsback article. 


Railsback remembers that this man's name was Mills. After his 
departure, breakfast over, the cattle fed, and the train assembled 
in the line of march, a man who had strolled ahead came rushing 
back to report the approach of a large party of mounted Indians. 
With this, orders were given to corral at once, and to place the train 
in a defensive position. In the meantime the Indians discovered 
that they had been observed. Years later Gibbony reported that 
with the aid of field glasses it could be observed how the Indians 
had concealed their ponies in a distant pine grove, 4 "' but returned 
and mounted v/hen seen. 

As the Indains approached, Captain Townsend sent Bouier and 
Richards out for a parley. They soon returned and reported that 
the Indians wanted something to eat, which was provided. They 
further reported that they were on their way to the Crow country 
to recapture some stolen horses, and asked permission to travel 
along with the train. This, however, was refused upon the advice 
of Bouier who maintained that an Indian could never be trusted. 
The visitors then suggested that the wagon train should move out, 
but this also was refused. The guides warned that it would then 
be the intention of the Indians to stampede the cattle once the 
train was in motion, thereby rendering the convoy helpless to pro- 
ceed. Later events showed that the guides were sound in their 

Since several shots had been heard just before the arrival of the 
Indians there was grave concern about the safety of the old man 
who had returned to find the cow. At once a posse of several 
mounted men started out to look for him. With this the Indians 
threw down the food they were eating and cut off the whites from 
the train. This gesture provoked a hand-to-hand fight in which 
several Indians were killed, and the severe wounding of one of the 

When the red men found out that they were outclassed, they 
hurriedly set out for a high point and commenced shooting at the 
train. Some were equipped with firearms while others had only 
the bow and arrow, but little damage was done since they were too 
soon out of range. When reaching the high ground the visitors 
proceeded to reassemble and made several running attacks on the 
wagon train, only to be quickly repulsed and turned back from the 
fire of the men with the Henry rifles. It did not take the Indians 
long to discover that these weapons not only far out matched their 
old muzzle loaders, but they also had a much greater range. 

When the visitors found they could not dislodge the train by 
open attack, they attempted to stampede the draft animals by 

45. Ibid. Weaver, pp. 288-289. Railsback, pp. 13-16. Cottonwood 
trees have always grown along Powder River in the vicinity of the Townsend 
camp of July 9, 1864. 


setting fire to the long grass surrounding the camp. With this 
Captain Townsend ordered his men to take shovels and make a 
hollow trench around the wagons. He also requested the emi- 
grants who had wash tubs to fill them with water and stand ready to 
assist should that be required. Although attempts to fire the camp 
were not successful, the Indians kept up their running attacks until 
4:00 o'clock in the afternoon, making a long day, since the battle 
started at 9:00 o'clock that morning. Although Mr. Railsback was 
not six years old at the time of the battle, he had a clear recollection 
of the occasion. He could remember seeing the Indians coming in 
sight from time to time, and how his mother, standing on a wagon 
wheel watching them, was almost struck by one of their bullets. 
It lodged in a cottonwood tree just behind her head. 

After the Reds had finally retreated over the hills, it was found 
that four members of the train had been killed. There is some 
confusion as to the exact number who had lost their lives, but from 
all accounts four appears to be accurate. These included a man 
who had been walking ahead of the train, one who had been hunt- 
ing, and the one wounded at the wagons during the fray. Three 
who had died on the day of the battle were buried near the camp. 
They were Frank Huddlemeyer, and A. Warren, of Missouri, but 
the third could not be remembered. The body of the man who 
had gone in search of his cow was never found. 40 It was later 
learned that he had been murdered and scalped. 

After the Indians had crossed the ridge the whites counted six- 
teen riderless ponies. It was never exactly known how many In- 
dians had been killed by the Townsend men since the Reds quickly 
removed their dead and wounded. However, it was later learned 
through the Crows that thirteen had been killed, aside from the 
wounded. 47 

David B. Weaver, a pioneer of Montana, came to Montana 
Territory in 1864 and added an interesting chapter about Captain 
Townsend's battle on Powder River. Weaver arrived at the 
Reshaw bridge on July 6, 1 864, only to learn that the Townsend 
Train had departed a few days earlier. Since their train consisted 
of only 1 7 wagons, which had traveled together from Fort Laramie, 
it was considered advisable not to enter the Sioux country without 
a larger delegation. Hence, the Weaver party remained at the 
bridge until July 17, when 68 wagons had assembled. A train was 
then regularly organized under the leadership of Captain Cyrus C. 
Coffinbury, and moved out over the Bozeman Trail. On July 22 
it reached Powder River, which it forded at the Dry Fork crossing 

46. Weaver, Contributions VIII, p. 284, and note 1, same page. 

47. Ibid., p. 292. In the Railsback article, the claim is made that sixteen 
riderless Indian ponies were counted after the battle. 



and pitched camp at the Townsend camping ground on the west 
side. On this location they learned that Captain Townsend had 
abandoned the Bozeman Trail and traveled northwestward up the 
small stream now known as Soldier Creek. 

At first Captain Coffinbury did not understand why Townsend 
had not followed the Bozeman Trail down Powder River, but 
considered it expedient to take this route. He believed there must 
have been some good reason for the change of course, and learned 
it the instant his train reached the Cottonwood grove where Cap- 
tain Townsend had camped and fought the Reds. Even then there 
was much evidence of a prolonged Indian battle. While the 
wagons were going into corral, Mr. Weaver took a stroll about 
and instantly was attracted by a number of arrows scattered around 
in the grass. There were a dozen or more of them tipped with 
steel heads. This he knew was unusual since the Indians found 
such metal hard to come by and prized such arrows very highly. 
It could easily be deducted that the red men had departed the area 
under great stress. The arrow tips appeared to have been made 
from steel barrel hoops or pails, and by primitive methods great 
labor had been exerted to fashion them. And, it was well known 
that tedious effort was never a part of the Indian liking. If it 
had been possible, these arrows would have been carefully gath- 

While observing the arrows, Mr. Weaver's attention was attract- 
ed to another man somewhat in advance of him who had picked up 
a dark object from a scrub pine. It looked somewhat like a dead 



Courtesy Montana Historical Society 


crow. The man made the error of bringing it into camp without 
first reporting his find to Captain Coffinbury, since it turned out 
to be the scalp of a white man. Great excitement prevailed, 
especially among the women and children. On the train there 
were twelve or fifteen families, and among them there was a state 
of terror, near panic. When the excitement had died down, further 
evidence of a conflict was found. At the lower end of the corral 
there was a large cottonwood on which one of Captain Townsend's 
men had blazed the surface and enscribed: "Captain Townsend 
had a fight here with the Indians July 9, 1864." 48 

The following morning, which was July 23, just after the train 
had pulled out, it came upon the graves of the Townsend men. 
The markers had been pulled down and the graves opened, leaving 
evidence that wolves had dug them up. Before passing on, three 
naked bodies were reburied by the Coffinbury men. Years later 
when Mr. Weaver was retelling pioneer times with Mrs. W. J. 
Beall, he learned that these men had been buried fully clothed in 
their blankets. It was then realized that the Indians had exhumed 
the remains for their clothing and blankets. 49 

From a statement by E. O. Railsback in his article on the Town- 
send Train, it may be learned that this convoy reached the Gallatin 
Valley on August 19, 1864. 5 " Six days later the Coffinbury Train 
reached its destination. According to David B. Weaver, they 
reached Powder River on July 22, 1864, and the Tongue River 
on July 29, which was 172 miles from the Platte. On August 4 
they made camp on the Big Horn, 234 miles from the Platte, and 
on August 14 reached the Yellowstone, which they followed to 
the crossing. This was gained on August 23. On the westerly side 
of the river a stop was made at the first Canyon about 150 miles 
above the point where the train struck the river. They came to 
this point on August 25, 1864, 51 and to Emigrant Gulch on August 
27 52 , where Mr. Weaver and a few others remained. 

After the Coffinbury Train reached its destination, the scalp 
found on the scrub pine July 22 was exhibited in Virginia City. 

48. Ibid., pp. 283-292. (Contains Mrs. W. J. Beall's account, pp. 288- 
292). There is also an account of Captain Townsend's battle on Powder 
River by John K. Standish, in The Billings Gazette, Sunday, January 8, 

49. Ibid., p. 287, note 2. Hebard and Brininstool, p. 226. 

50. Railsback, p. 13. 

51. David B. Weaver, Earlv Days in Emigrant Gulch, Contributions VII, 
p. 76. 

52. Hebard and Brininstool, pp. 1-227. The fact that it took the Town- 
send Train a few days longer to arrive at its destination than it did the 
Coffinbury has never been explained, but there may have been a number of 
reasons. The Townsend Train was more than twice the size of the Coffin- 
bury and thereby not as mobile. Also, the destinations of the two trains 
differed and weather conditions could have played a major part. 


There it was immediately recognized by the surviving brother of 
the old man who had returned to the Townsend camp on Powder 
River in search of a cow. As soon as he saw it he exclaimed: 
"That is my brother's hair!" 53 

One of those who piloted a train northward over the Bozeman 
Trail in 1864 was the Trailmaker himself. It appears to be well 
accepted that during the spring of that year Bozeman went as far 
east as the Missouri to arrange with all the emigrants he could 
interest, to follow him to the Montana gold fields. Evidence of 
the number he assembled, and of his arrival at the various points, is 
incomplete and fragmentary, although some guidance may be 
found. Albert J. Dickerson, in his Covered Wagon Days, gives an 
indication of the time Bozeman left the Oregon Trail. Camped 
near Fort Laramie early in July, Dickson, a member of the Dickson 
party, comments: 

As I was strolling along the road a little way north of camp I came 
upon another note from the Phillips boys. It was dated a week earlier 
and stated a man named Bozeman was gathering up a train for the 
purpose of laying out a new road to Virginia City by way of the east 
side of the Big Horns, and that they were going to try to get in with 
them. The note was eagerly read at camp and the hope was expressed 
that we might be able to overtake the Bozeman party. 

Shortly afterwards another report on the Bozeman Trail was found 
by Dickson: 

The next day, July 7, about the middle of the forenoon as we were 
passing over the ground where Douglas now stands, we noted the 
deep imprint of wagon wheels turning due north at right angles to the 
trail. Beside the road at our left was another note on a cleft stick 
from the Phillips brothers, stating that they were going with Bozeman 
by the new route that he was laying out to Virginia City. . . . The 
message bore the date of July l. 54 

The most direct statement as to the time the Bozeman Train 
arrived comes from John L. Sweeney, who when writing his record 
in 1899 for the Society of Pioneers of Montana Pioneers, said: 
"Place of departure for Montana, Ohio; route traveled, the Boze- 
man Route; came with James [sic] M. Bozeman's first train and 
helped make the road; arrived at Virginia City, August 3rd, 1 864/' 

This date has not been confirmed by Mrs. W. J. Beall in her 
reminiscences in the Bozeman Courier July 8, 1814. She wrote: 

In the forepart of July, 1864, W. J. Beall and D. E. Rouse were 
returning from Virginia City, where they had marketed their crop of 
potatoes and other vegetables, receiving 40 cents a pound for same, 
they met John M. Bozeman, whom they had known in 1863 and who 
had returned east that fall. He told them he was piloting an emigrant 

53. Weaver, p. 293. 

54. Burlingame, pp. 549-550. 


train from the east over what is now known as the Bozeman cutoff. 
He advised them to come and take up land and start a town on the 
location now known as Bozeman. He asked them to locate a claim 
for him, which they did. 55 

With no more information than she gives, Mrs. Beall's statement 
is confusing, particularly as to time, which seems to be early. 
Also, if W. J. Beall knew John M. Bozeman in 1863 it would 
appear certain that he did not reach Montana with the Townsend 
Train as did Mrs. Beall. Moreover, he could not have raised 
potatoes and other vegetables for market early in July if he had 
arrived that month. 

W. J. Beall was Mrs. BealFs second husband, whom she married 
in November of 1868. At the time of her journey across the plains 
with the Townsend Train, she came with her first husband, A. H. 
Van Vlierden, and their two children. 56 It is quite certain that 
Mrs. Beall was not in Virginia City the forepart of July, 1864, and 
that her information of those days came from a different source. 
On another occasion she commented: "At the time of my arrival 
in the future city, John M. Bozeman had gone to Virginia City, 
and his train came after that date, August 1, 1864." Mrs. Beall 
did not say that she was in Bozeman (the future city) on the last 
mentioned date, and it could have been that the Bozeman Train 
did not arrive for some days. It appears well settled that Bozeman 
himself came in ahead of his train. At all events, if the Bozeman 
Train had not reached Powder River by July 1, 1 864, it would have 
been traveling very fast to have entered Virginia City by August 3, 
1864. His time would have been much faster than that made by 
either the Townsend or the Coffinbury trains, each taking well 
over a month from Powder River to their respective destinations 
in Montana. And, there is no evidence that Bozeman passed the 
Townsend Train along the way. To have reached Virginia City 
the forepart of August he undoubtedly crossed Powder River a 
few days ahead of Captain Townsend. 

While the exact time of Bozeman's arrival may be a matter of 
some speculation, it is certain that the Bridger and Jacobs trains 
over the Big Horn Basin route came in a month earlier. The diary 
of Cornelius Hedges, which remained in the possession of his 
descendants until 1936, provides an excellent account of the trains 
piloted by James Bridger and John M. Jacobs. William W. Ander- 
son, a member of the Jacobs party, mentions the time of arrival 

55. Ibid., p. 551, and note, p. 30. 

56. Confirmed by a letter from the Montana Historical Society dated 
June 5, 1964. After reaching Montana, unfortunate differences arose be- 
tween the Van Vlierdens, causing a divorce in the fall of 1867. The two 
children, Lola and Minnie, were taken by their father from the home of a 
friend to some place in the east. After that Mrs. Beall never saw them 
again. They died in childhood. 


of these trains as being early in July, 1864, leaving the Oregon 
Trail on June 7 of that year. They kept very close together, 
although Jacobs came in ahead of Bridger. 

The Hedges diary reopens the question of the relation between 
Jacobs and Bozeman. The opinion has usually been expressed 
that Jacobs did not receive sufficient credit for his part in the 
opening of the new trail to Montana; but, there has also been an 
impression that these two trailmakers were still working together. 
Those who hold this view believe that Jacobs was testing the Big 
Horn Basin route for the team. 

For one thing, the fact that Bridger arrived at Virginia City a 
month before Bozeman disposes of the widely accepted dramatic 
story that these leaders were racing neck and neck on their respec- 
tive routes with Bridger having a head start on Bozeman. Along 
the Oregon Trail they did vie with each other as to which had the 
best route, but it went no further than that. Bridger claimed that 
the Big Horn route was shorter by a hundred miles, and was more 
secure from Indian attacks. Bozeman maintained that his route 
was easier to travel, and because of a wider spread of individual 
trails it would sustain a much larger travel throughout the year with 
more grass available. He put forth the argument that the narrow 
Big Horn route failed to have these advantages. But the old story 
of the two men taking their trains from the Oregon Trail, "Bridger 
with several weeks 1 start, " n of Bozeman who reached the Gallatin 
Valley ahead of Bridger, and the two leaders racing across the 
intervening divide to Virginia City, can no longer be regarded as 
authentic. The account is thrilling, and it makes a good story, 
but is inaccurate. This represents the thinking of the writers who 
have given the most intensive study to the Bozeman Trail. 

Whatever interest Bozeman may have had in the arrival of 
emigrant trains over his route during the summer of 1 864, is not 
clear since he had become prominent in the establishment of the 
town which bears his name. When he asked W. J. Beall and D. E. 
Rouse to lay out a townsite in the Upper Gallatin Valley near the 
passes which lead to the Yellowstone, he apparently had become 
impressed with the agricultural possibilities there. Beall and 
Rouse operated a ranch near the Three Forks. 

Accordingly, on August 9, 1 864, a meeting was held at Jacob's 
Crossing by the settlers of Upper East Gallatin for the purpose of 
laying out the new town. John M. Bozeman was elected chairman 
and W. W. Anderson secretary. After the chairman had stated 
the object of the meeting it was first resolved that the town and 
district would be called Bozeman. John M. Bozeman was then 
elected recorder, and the sum of one dollar made the fee for re- 
cording a claim. Anderson, who had become a leader in the little 
settlement, and was closely associated with Bozeman, often recalled 
his first entrance into the new city: 


Not a fence pole, not a log house was there in sight to designate the 
future city of Bozeman. After looking around, however, for a few 
moments, we noticed a small wedge-tent constructed out of wagon 
covers, and after a little careful inspection we found a lonesome occu- 
pant in the person of W. J. Beall. To our "Pilgrim" inquiries he in- 
formed us that he was patiently waiting for the return of D. E. Rouse 
with "grub" from their ranch; that John M. Bozeman was piloting an 
emigrant train through from the Platte via the Powder River, Clark's 
Fork and the Yellowstone. 

Although Bozeman sold his property in town and took up farm- 
ing on a claim he still retained, his interest in the little city remained 
vital and animated. Actually, it remained more important to him 
than farming, since his way of life ever continued to be transitory 
and his interests ephemeral. To relieve the monotony of farm life 
he made various trips to Virginia City on which he carried the 
mail back and forth. For this service he charged fifty cents for 
each piece delivered, thereby making the journey not only pleasant 
but profitable. Such an operation was well suited to a man of 
Bozeman's varied characteristics. As an indication of his activity 
in fostering the new town, a reminiscense comes from W. J. Davies, 
later of Bridger, Montana. He recalled that when his emigrant 
party arrived in the valley on August 18, 1864, it camped near the 
few houses which marked the town site. The camp was visited 
the next morning, according to Davies. 

by Mr. Elliott Rouse and John Bozeman, who told us of wonderful 
townsite they had discovered; and they spoke eloquently of its many 
advantages; its water privileges, and its standing right in the gate of 
the mountains ready to swallow up all tenderfeet that would reach the 
territory from the east, with their golden fleeces to be taken care of. 
All that and the promise of numerous corner lots prevailed with me 
and I moved camp to the great city of Bozeman. 

Another report in 1864 or 1865 came from an emigrant who 
was with a party of miners traveling from Virginia City to the 
Yellowstone in search of another mother lode: 

On our road we passed a half-dozen huts, dignified with the name of 
Bozeman City. Here lives a Cincinnatus in retirement, one of the 
great pioneers of mountain civilization, named Bozeman. To him 
belongs the credit of having laid out the Bozeman Cut-off, on the 
road from Fort Laramie to Virginia, and he is looked up to among 
emigrants much as Chief-Justice Marshall is among lawyers. I saw 
the great man, with one foot moccasined and the other as nature 
made it, giving Bunsby opinions to a crowd of miners as to the loca- 
tion of the mythical mines. 

Along with his many other interests, in the fall of 1864 Bozeman 
induced Thomas Cover and P. W. McAdow to commence work 
on a flour mill just at the edge of the village. Afterwards, he 
assisted them in making connections and establishing their plant. 57 

57. Burlingame, pp. 552-557, and notes. 


This and similar other activities appear to have replaced Bozemarfs 
interest in guiding emigrants over the road he laid out, since there 
is no clear evidence that he ever made another trip. Yet, during 
the entire year of 1 865 there is little assurance that there was much 
emigrant travel. It was rather a year of warfare throughout the 
Indian country. There were, in fact, so many depredations and 
wanton Indian attacks that General Patrick E. Connor was selected 
by the War Department to launch an all-out campaign throughout 
the Powder River country to conquer the Sioux. Unfortunately, 
however, the operation was inadequately planned by officials who 
knew little of Indian warfare, and as a result little progress was 
made. Moreover, General Connor was relieved before he was 
fairly under way, but after he had established Fort Connor on the 
Bozeman Trail four miles north of the Powder River crossing. 
The following year it was renamed Fort Reno and became an 
important post. 

Although General Connor's Powder River expedition did not 
bring satisfactory results, the Federal Government had become so 
vitally interested in a direct route to the gold fields that it could 
not then withdraw. After four years of the Civil War the United 
States treasury had become so virtually bankrupt that gold was 
critically needed to liquidate the rapidly accruing national debt. 
One of its great hopes was to encourage prospectors to seek the 
Montana gold fields with the view that their efforts would help to 
enrich the nation. 

To secure the results so badly needed the Government put faith 
in a new peace treaty which it was sure would be avidly ratified and 
signed by the leading men of the northwestern Teton Sioux tribes. 
It is difficult to understand this attitude since the Sioux were so 
bitterly hostile that no white man dared enter their territory, much 
less travel the Bozeman Trail. Yet, when the treaty was put 
together the public was assured that the trail via Powder River 
would be safe; but, nothing of the sort was near the truth. By the 
spring of 1 866 even the treaty leaders had become convinced that 
the hostiles had no intention of coming in and that their efforts 
had failed. Since it became apparent that some other approach 
was requisite, E. B. Taylor, superintendent of the Northern Super- 
intendency, came to Fort Laramie with a new peace treaty and 
orders to assemble a peace commission. When assembled on June 
1, 1866, it consisted of himself, Colonel H. E. Maynadier, then in 
command of Fort Laramie, Colonel N. R. McLaren of Minnesota, 
and Thomas Wister of Philadelphia. Charles E. Bowles of the 
Indian Department acted as secretary. 

Taylor had been directed to put the peace treaty into effect, and 
he was determined that nothing should interfere with the program. 
Even though the men at Fort Laramie who knew the ways of the 


Sioux tried to counsel with him, he refused to listen. Again and 
again he declared that he had been sent to make peace and that he 
was going to do just that. Accordingly, messengers were sent to 
the hostile camps calling the Indians in for a peace talk, and prom- 
ising plenty of presents, including arms and ammunition. Not one 
real hostile ever arrived to sign the treaty, but the assurance of 
rich stores could not be resisted, so the Sioux came all the way 
from Powder River in full force. The talks got under way in June, 

In the meantime, and without waiting to learn the outcome of 
the peace negotiations, the War Department started Colonel Henry 
B. Carrington of the 18th Infantry with an expedition to open the 
Powder River road to Montana. He started out with 2,000 troops, 
but only 700 of them were to accompany him to the Powder River 
country to open up the road and to establish three forts along the 
way. It is again difficult to understand how Washington concluded 
that Colonel Carrington, with 700 infantry, including bandsmen, 
could accomplish what General Connor was unable to achieve with 
3,000 cavalry. Still, there was some strange thinking in 1866 
regarding the Powder River country. 

Carrington's troops and train of 226 mule teams reached Fort 
Laramie June 13, loaded down with equipment and supplies, in- 
cluding a saw mill, mowers, shingle and brick making machines, 
axes, saws and tools of all kinds. There were also rocking chairs, 
churns and canned fruit, besides turkeys, chickens, pigs and cows. 
Colonel Carrington was not a fighting officer, but as a builder he 
was well suited to construct and equip the new posts along the 
Bozeman Trail, and to organize a system of road patrols. It is 
astonishing how the high command assumed that the Sioux would 
sit quietly by while military posts were being erected in the midst 
of their best hunting ground, but that seemed to be the situation. 

The expedition's own thirty-piece band livened up the march 
past Dobey Town on the outskirts of the fort, but when entry was 
made a decided quiet settled down over the peace negotiations with 
the council still in session. There were at once many attempts to 
ease the situation and to form a basis for better understanding, but 
when Red Cloud was being introduced to Carrington he drew his 
blanket closely about him and contemptuously declined it. While 
he was leaving the area with many of his followers, Standing Elk, 
chief of the Brules, was asking Colonel Carrington where he was 
going, and upon being told the Powder River country, he answered, 
"There is a treaty being made at Laramie with the Sioux that are 
in the country where you are going. The fighting men of that 
country have not come to Laramie, and you will have them to fight. 
They will not give you the road unless you whip them." 

Notwithstanding the departure of Red Cloud and the many who 
followed him, a thousand or more Sioux remained at the peace 
council. These finally signed the treaty, and a similar one was 


signed by a number of the Cheyenne head men, and left for the 
signature of other Cheyennes yet to arrive. While the Indians were 
celebrating the conclusion of the treaty council, and receiving their 
gaudy presents, Colonel Carrington was preparing for his departure 
northward to take charge of the situation, and to establish his three 
forts along the Bozeman Trail. Dismayed by the inadequacy of 
the ammunition he was able to requisition from Fort Laramie, and 
by the inferior quality of the supplies provided for him, he set out 
on June 17, 1866. The horses he had been promised were non- 
existent, and with old-fashioned, muzzle-loading Springfield mus- 
kets in the hands of most of his regulars, while the bandsmen 
carried new repeating Spencers, he guilelessly entered the Indian 
country. Colonel Carrington was an intelligent, conscientious and 
dedicated officer, but naive and immature in his conception of the 
untamed and tumultuous frontier. He never seemed rightly im- 
pressed with the enormity of the task laid out for him. 

Fort Connor, then called Fort Reno, was reached June 28 with- 
out serious incident, except that Indians were encountered near 
the Horseshoe Station on the Platte, and near Bridger's Ferry. At 
the fort several wagon trains were found awaiting military escort 
up the Bozeman Trail on their way to Montana. For these trains 
Colonel Carrington issued a set of regulations covering their move- 
ment through the Indian country. He assured them that the road 
would be perfectly secure without escort being necessary. He 
advised that the trains must organize, keep together and not annoy 
the Indians. Even after his experience at Fort Laramie he appears 
to have had the fanciful belief, along with many other military 
and civil officers, that there would be no serious trouble with the 
Indians. Yet, two days after he issued his regulation, seven Sioux 
warriors ran off the sutler's herd within two miles of the fort. A 
pursuit by mounted infantry brought back one pack-pony laden 
with presents from the Fort Laramie peace council. 

On July 10 Colonel Carrington marched from Fort Reno up 
the Bozeman Trail to Little Piney, 68 miles distant, to construct 
Fort Phil Kearney, and to provide for the construction of Fort C. F. 
Smith 9 1 miles further north in Montana on the Big Horn River. 
However, the Colonel's fortunes and vicissitudes, and those of his 
successors in the Sioux country, constitute another chapter in the 
history of the Powder River Country."' 8 

Nonetheless, Colonel Carrington had a major roll in the affairs 
of the Bozeman Trail as long as he remained in the Sioux country. 
He had no more than entered the area than it became patently 

58. Brown, Fort Phil Kearny, C. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1962, 
p. 14. Hafen and Young, pp. 345-351. Hebard and Brininstool, pp. 266- 
269. George E. Hyde, Red Cloud's Folk, University of Oklahoma Press, 
Norman, 1937, pp. 138-141. 


evident that his troops could not possibly furnish military protec- 
tion for the many emigrant trains expected to be on the trail during 
the summer of 1866. This was particularly true since he had to 
assign one entire company to garrison duty at Fort Reno to escort 
the mail to aid travelers in distress, and to assist in all other emer- 
gency duties. He learned that the best he could hope to do would 
be to issue a set of regulations for the benefit of the passing trains. 
In the main these consisted of instructions for the convoys to check 
in at Fort Reno and report to the commanding officer there; to 
keep together; to avoid recklessness in the Indian country; to have 
no unnecessary dealings with the Reds; not to furnish them liquor, 
and to provoke no quarrels by hostile acts. A copy of these in- 
structions was to be posted at the office of each post or station 
commander so that the commanders of all trains could see and 
study them. 

In the meantime, the emigrants arriving at Fort Laramie were 
being assured that the road was perfectly safe, causing them to 
improperly and inadequately supply themselves with guns and 
ammunition. This they seemed willing to practice in spite of other 
reliable information that a general raid existed over the entire trail. 
Many of them took serious cognizance of the actual situation all 
too late, and not until they were set upon by the Indians with no 
actual means of protection. This resulted in many emigrants being 
murdered, scalped, and their bodies mutilated, with the few arms 
they had being taken and their supplies stolen. The supplies fur- 
nished by the agencies were added to those accumulated along the 
trail and laid by for the day of a concerted Indian attack all the 
way from the North Platte to the Yellowstone. 

With all the misinformation about the security of the Bozeman 
Trail, many train commanders did listen to the truth and profited 
by it. One of these was Hugh Kirkendall. In the summer of 1866 
he and others were on the trail with a long train of household goods 
and merchandise for Montana. When the train reached Brown's 
Springs, a branch of Dry Fork of the Cheyenne, in what is now 
Converse County, Wyoming, the convoy was attacked by Indians, 
and a running fight was kept up all day. As the hours of fighting 
increased, more and more red reserves arrived until it seemed 
that all of the Indians in the Powder River country were engaged 
in the fight. Fortunately, though, Kirkendall was able to push the 
train forward after the red men had been repulsed with heavy 
losses. When the merchants came within forty miles of Fort Phil 
Kearny, a scout was sent to request an escort so that the train could 
be safely conducted beyond the post. Kirkendall was doomed to 
meet with disappointment. Word came back that there were not 
even enough soldiers to protect the fort with any real degree of 
safety. The fact was that the troops at Phil Kearny were prac- 
tically bottled up with yelping Indians galloping around on all the 
hills, defying them to come out and offering all kind of insults. 


Kirkendall finally got through, but by that time other freighting 
outfits were waiting at Fort Laramie for reinforcements. The 
authorities were then wisely issuing warnings to small groups of 
emigrants of the immediate and certain danger from the reds unless 
they were strongly guarded and moving in large numbers. Indian 
depredations along the Bozeman Trail, and the large number of 
emigrants who were daily being attacked by the Sioux, had given 
the Government a different attitude and a stimulated motive for 
organizational changes. 

In the midst of this reshuffling a memorable cavalcade arrived 
at Fort Laramie. It was Nelson Story with his crew of twenty-five 
cowboys driving almost 1 ,000 head of Texas longhorns, with his 
wagon train of groceries coming along behind. This remarkable 
young man, not yet thirty, had struck it rich in the Montana gold 
fields. He had then exchanged some of his gold dust for thirty 
thousand dollars in greenbacks and gone to Texas early in 1866 
to purchase the cattle. With his army of cowboys and trail herd 
he set out for the Bozeman Road, but stopped at Fort Leavenworth 
to purchase a train of ox-drawn wagons which he loaded with 
groceries and other supplies to start a store in the town of Boze- 
man. His outfit moved in a leisurely manner along the Oregon 
Trail across Nebraska to Fort Laramie, where the army officers 
there tried to pursuade him to discard and forego his plans to 
continue on to Montana. Their appeals and warnings that Red 
Cloud would stampede his herd, and probably take the scalps of 
all his men did not deter young Story. 

At Fort Laramie he was joined by Major John B. Catlin, who 
became second in command, and after he had provided his men 
with new Remington rapid-fire breach loaders, the cavalcade 
moved northward. Some distance from Fort Reno the drivers 
came upon a little Frenchman and a boy who were unharnessing 
their team. They had a trapper's outfit and were in the process of 
making camp. Warned against hostile Indians everywhere in the 
area, the two were invited to join the Nelson party, but the little 
Frenchman declined. He claimed that he had a greater fear of the 
white man than he did of the Indians. 

As Story and Major Catlin moved along down the Bozeman 
Trail they were next abruptly halted by a furious Sioux attack 
almost in the shadow of Fort Reno. It was a headlong hit-and-run 
swat leaving two drivers badly wounded with arrows and the Reds 
getting away with a little bunch of the cattle. During the fracas 
the remainder of the herd was stampeded. It all might have been 
much more serious except the herders quickly responded with their 
Remingtons and put the enemy to rout. As soon as the cattle could 
be quieted down, a party of seasoned herders set upon the Sioux 
camp just as dusk was falling. Not giving the braves much chance 
to protest, and with a sudden punch, the cattle were recovered 
from the center of an arc of tepees. When the herd was reassem- 


bled, Story pushed on to Fort Reno with his wounded companions 
in an ambulance sent out from the post, but not until some of his 
herders had gone back to see about the old Frenchman and the boy. 
They were found dead, scalped and their bodies mutilated. Their 
horses were gone, their wagon burned and their supplies scattered 
about. Before the herders returned they buried the unfortunate 
travelers who had met violent death. After a short rest at Reno, 
the main body moved out, leaving the two wounded companions. 
It was then late in the season and Story wanted to be on the way. 

Three miles south of Fort Phil Kearny Story was halted by 
Colonel Carrington who would not allow the herd to be brought 
any nearer. He claimed that the grass close to the post was needed 
for his own livestock. The colonel then ordered the party to corral 
the cattle until a wagon train could come along with a minimum of 
forty armed men. Story and Catlin had only twenty-five. Even 
chough they pointed out that their men, armed with Remington 
breach loaders, had a greater fire power than a hundred with old- 
fashioned Springfields, Carrington continued to hold firm. Even 
so, Story had little thought of remaining much longer. He had 
already been held up two weeks and it was then October 21st. 
That evening all the Story men were called together to vote on 
whether they should abide by Colonel Carrington's order or take 
the trail that night. All were in favor of moving on except George 
Dow who voted "no." No sooner was the word out of his mouth 
than he was tied up and placed under arrest. 

Protected by the darkness of night the men hitched the oxen to 
wagons, moved the cattle out of the corral, and soon the whole 
party was headed northward down the Bozeman Trail. On the 
morning of the 22nd, Carrington was notified that the Nelson party 
had vanished. While furious over the violation of his orders, he 
nonetheless felt it his duty to dispatch a detail of fifteen men under 
a sergeant to join the Story party in order to bring it up to regula- 
tion strength. These soldiers with their muzzle-loading Spring- 
fields were only supernumeraries, but were welcomed to go along 
with the herd. Two days out Dow was released and informed that 
he could go back to the fort or remain with the drive. He decided 
to stay. 

During the remainder of the drive the herd was grazed in the 
daytime and pushed forward at night. Along the way two Indian 
attacks were beaten off without difficulty. Only one man was lost. 
He carelessly rode too far ahead and was killed and scalped. On 
December 9, 1864, Story's spectacular drive reached its destina- 
tion, which was a place near Virginia City. In all of the history 
of the northwest there has never been anything like his long drive. 

Nelson Story became one of Montana's immortals. In 1862 he 
married Ellen Trent in Leavenworth, Kansas. She shared with 
him every vicissitude of the raw frontier, and later, fame and for- 
tune. Their early life in Montana was up the gulch from Virginia 


City where Story packed up and down the trail, partially for hire 
and partially in connection with his store which was attended by 
his wife. In those days Mrs. Story baked pies and pastries to be 
sold to the hungry miners, and in that way helped out/''-' 

While emigrants on the Bozeman Trail continued to find their 
way to Montana, the untimely passing of Bozeman himself was 
marked on April 18, 1867. The previous morning he and Tom 
Cover left the town of Bozeman for Fort C. F. Smith on a flour- 
selling mission. They took two saddle horses and a pack horse 
carrying provisions and bedding, but the first night out they stayed 
with Nelson Story and W. S. McKinzie who had a cattle camp near 
the present city of Livingston. On the morning of the 1 8th Boze- 
man and Cover started on their journey, and reached a place ten 
or twelve miles below Mission Creek and a quarter of a mile 
south of the Yellowstone where they camped for dinner. They had 
about finished their meal when they saw four Indians approaching. 
Cover took them to be Blackfeet while Bozeman thought they were 
friendly Crows. They were Blackfeet, and while he was talking to 
one of them, another stepped behind Bozeman and shot him. 
Cover escaped in the bushes, but in the process of escaping he was 
shot in the top of the shoulder by one of the Indians as they made 
off with the horses. When they were out of sight. Cover spread a 
blanket over Bozeman's body, first taking his gold watch. He then 
walked back to the Story and McKinzie cattle camp where he 
secured a horse and came on in to Bozeman to report the tragic 
death of his companion. 

The next day John Anderson, D. E. Rouse, Al Lund and John 
Baptiste left to take charge of the remains and bring them to the 
city for interment. They were joined by Nelson Story and W. S. 
McKinzie at their cattle camp, but at the site of Bozeman's death 
they decided to bury him there until the traveling would be better. 
Moreover, the waters of the Yellowstone were rapidly rising at 
the ford where they had to cross and they had little time. 

It was not until 1 870 that the remains of John M. Bozeman were 
returned to the town which bore his name. His burial casket was 
made out of native pine by W. J. Beall and Judge A. D. Mc- 
Pherson, and after a public ceremony, burial was made in the 
Nelson Story plot. Later Story erected a monument bearing the 
inscription: 'Tn memory of John M. Bozeman, aged 32 years, 
killed by Blackfoot Indians on the Yellowstone, April 18, 1867. 
He was a native of Georgia, and one of the first settlers of Boze- 

59. Brown, pp. 60, 135-138. Hebard and Brininstool, pp. 279, 227-232, 
221-225. Hyde, pp. 160-161. Byron Nelson's article about his father. 
University of Wyoming Library. Burlingame, pp. 563-567. regarding death 
and burial of John M. Bozeman. If Bozeman was born in 1837 he was only 
30 years old at the time of his death, in 1867. 


man, from whom the town takes its name" 6 " When W. S. McKinzie 
died in 1913 his remains were buried beside those of Bozeman, 
and Nelson Story erected another monument over the two graves 
which reads: "Here lies two friends." 

During his lifetime John M. Bozeman saved little for himself but 
gave much to help settle and develop the frontier. He might have 
used the time alloted to him for personal gain, but rather, he used 
it to make possible the comfort and enjoyment of those to come 
after him. His carefree nature made it possible for him to leave his 
wife and three small children without adequate support while he 
roamed the west hoping to find a fortune. When he left he may 
have considered that his venture would turn out for the best, but 
there is little evidence that he ever gave his family much help or 
thought, although his daughters grew up and eventually married. 
In defence to Bozeman's performance, it can be said that it was not 
unlike that of many frontier leaders of his day. He possessed a 
high degree of skill as a frontiersman. His superior quality of 
leadership and personal bravery have never been questioned. He 
had the rare ability of seeing any situation in its true perspective, 
and the aptitude for dealing with it first hand. He will primarily 
be remembered as a trailmaker and a train commander, but also 
as a community builder and a dedicated townsman. 61 

By 1868 the Government had become aware that it either had 
to whip the Sioux or give in to them, and as to the Powder River 
country, the latter was done. During that year the forts along the 
Bozeman Trail were abandoned, the road itself closed, and the 
territory turned back to the Indians. In seeking an excuse for this 
policy Washington temporized that, by humoring the Indians and 
keeping them quiet, the Union Pacific could be rapidly completed, 
and then the Powder River road would be of no importance. It 
was theorized that a shorter and better road to Montana could run 
from the railroad line west of the Big Horn Mountains. However, 
with this view it was not taken into account that the Northern 
Pacific had to be built along the northern edge of the Powder River 
country. It further was not taken into account that the Indians, if 
left undisturbed, would certainly block the building of that road, 
and that white men were already forming the belief that gold could 
be found in the Black Hills and in the Big Horn Mountains. 62 

It has been shown that one determined blow in the winter of 
1867 would have cleared the Powder River country of the hostiles, 
but as it was, the inevitable clash did not come until 1876. It did 

60. Burlingame, pp. 563-567 regarding death and burial of John M. 

61. Burlingame, p. 568, note, p. 541. Linda Bozeman was married to 
William Kirk, Lila to J. H. Honea, and Martha C. to John M. Neal. 

62. Hyde, p. 160. 



,*-'; * '*su. 


Photo by Rev. Stuart D. Frazier 

not come even then until another lesson had to be learned by the 
Custer tragedy on the Little Big Horn June 25, 1876. It was not 
until General Crook's defeat of Dull Knife which took place on 
Powder River November 25, 1876, that the tide was turned. Dur- 
ing that winter the hostile, widely-separated camps were so con- 
stantly and successfully harrassed by the army that further resist- 
ance finally became impossible and peace was unpreventable. ,l:1 

The following year saw the beginning of Fort McKinney on 
Clear Creek, and by 1878 the Bozeman Trail was again in full use. 
For many years afterwards it continued to be used by freighters and 
stage lines into Buffalo and Fort McKinney three miles westward, 
and to other points north, as well as by emigrants. Even today the 
grandchildren and great-grandchildren of many well known and 
well established pioneer families in northeastern Wyoming proudly 
relate that their forebears arrived in covered wagons over the 
Bozeman Trail. 

63. Hyde, pp. 287-2* 


J i 


1 il§ M *m 


Courtesy Mae Urbanek 

Cew Barlow of Qillette 


Mae Urbanek 

This article was written for the Annals of Wyoming several months 
before Mr. Barlow died in Gillette, on March 31, 1964, at the age of 
95. Ed. 

"There were no fences and mighty few log and sod shacks be- 
tween Miles City, Montana and Gillette, Wyoming, in 1898. It 
was wide-open range. Gillette was a railroad town with only thirty 
inhabitants. The only place to buy a meal was in a small shack 
down by the railroad tracks." 

In these words L. H. Barlow, "Lew" to his scores of friends, 
describes Wyoming as he first saw it. Tired of breaking broncos 
and hunting horse thieves in Idaho, he had shipped his two carloads 
of cattle to Miles City and then trailed them south to the prairies 
around Gillette. His uncle, W. F. Draper, of Sundance, described 
these grassy plains as "the best range land west of the Missouri." 

Today Gillette is crowded with automobiles, and the streets 
swarm with people. The old ranching town is enjoying an oil 
boom. Derricks are going up in a wide area; wells are being dug. 
Tireless rocker arms are pumping millions of gallons of crude oil 
to the surface. On a quiet, side street in Gillette stands a dis- 
tinguished-looking house with a huge horseshoe front. This is the 
home of Lew Barlow, still a vigorous 94-year-young pioneer. The 
oil is no surprise to Lew. His home is filled with tables overflow- 
ing with petrified proof of the source of all oil — prehistoric marine 
life that flourished a hundred million years ago where Gillette now 

About fifteen years ago Lew retired from active ranch manage- 
ment and took up collecting artifacts and fossils to "keep myself 
young." For five successive terms he was mayor of Gillette. He 
continued to rope calves on the ranch "for exercise," and rode his 
favorite mount, a Palomino, in many parades. But he still found 
time to hunt and probe deep in the earth for his fossils. Campbell 
County is good hunting ground, and Lew is an extra fast worker. 
Tables sagged under the weight of his finds. 

"Many centuries ago this country had a climate like that of 
Florida today," Lew explains before he starts showing individual 
fossils in his collection. "There were many lakes. Both land and 
water were thickly populated with animals, varying in size from 
worms to dinosaurs. Plant growth was lush and tropical in nature. 
Sequoia timber grew here. In California where it now grows it is 
known as redwood. 


"Then came the time of a great upheaval. The Black Hills were 
formed. Devils Tower rose, and the Missouri Buttes. The air was 
filled with choking ashes. Billions of animals and trees were 
buried under soil and rocks and ashes. Masses of trees crushed 
and buried then form our extensive coal mines of today. Where 
marine life and wood were pressed into water with tons of earth 
upon it, water began its patient work of replacing the once-living 
cells with calcium and silica. So the fossils of fish and animals, 
and the petrified wood was recast and preserved for us by water. 
This buried life also produced the oil we are pumping out today." 

Lew then shows his visitors the petrified proof that he has gath- 
ered. Ammonites still glowing with prehistoric irridescence are 
perhaps his most fascinating fossils. They are coiled shells from 
the Mesozoic age, similar to the mollusks that exist today. Lew 
has them varying in size from over a foot in diameter down to less 
than one inch, but still perfect in form. One unique fossil has an 
unborn baby ammonite clearly visible. Other fossils from that 
ancient time include baculites, trilobites, belemnites or ink fish, 
fossil fish, fossil leaves and ferns, a petrified oyster, a petrified frog, 
dinosaur gizzard stones, dinosaur teeth and bones, and a piece of a 
cycad. Cycads are petrified plants that once grew in ancient 
swamps were they were oats for dinosaurs. 

A recent addition to Lew's collection is an immense joint of 
backbone, about three feet in width, and two feet deep. At the 
School of Mines in Rapid City, South Dakota, Lew compared it 
with the backbone joints of dinosaurs and found it much larger. 
Since identification is not possible, scientists agree with Lew that 
it probably was once a living part of an ancient mammoth. The 
bone comes from the state of Washington, where a friend found it 
and brought it to Lew for his collection. 

While gathering fossils, Lew also gathers many artifacts from 
much more recent times. He has hundreds of arrowheads, many 
perfect and also many broken parts which he has used to form 
letters of mottos such as: "Give Me a Home where the Buffalo 
Roam in Old Wyom"; "God Bless that Mother of Mine"; "The 
Old Rugged Cross", with a cross of perfect arrowheads. These 
mottos are framed and with paintings and photographs and funny 
quips decorate the walls of his home. 

A hand-made United States flag with 42 stars hangs on one wall. 
This flag was found by a friend while he was tearing down an old 
log cabin near Gillette. It was buried under two layers of wall 
paper. A flag with 42 stars is especially unusual because it existed 
only for eight months, from November, 1889, when the two 
Dakotas, Washington and Montana joined the Union, until July, 
1 890, when Wyoming and Idaho were added. 

A cannon ball five inches in diameter and two smaller iron balls 
are from an old battlefield southwest of Gillette. "A real battle 
took place there but no historic record of it exists," Lew says. 


"A Mexican horse wrangler, John, told me that he and some early 
settlers with a small detachment of army men battled for their lives 
with the Indians on that hill. You can still see the deep pits they 
dug, now well grassed over. An old wooden-wheeled cannon was 
used to fire the shot. It scared the Indians away and saved the 
lives of the settlers. " 

Lew Barlow was born in Nebraska, near Omaha, but came west 
while very young "to get away from my relatives." He lived in 
Idaho for thirteen years, where he worked for cattle outfits and 
became a top rider. He recalls seeing Indian women dig roots 
from the prairies and rub the roots between stones, making the 
product into coarse bread. Lew has several such rubbing stones, 
and many Indian scrapers, knives, and hammers in his collection 

After he reached the Gillette area with his cattle in 1898, he 
waited a year before he returned to Idaho for his wife and baby. 
By that time he had a one-room log house east of Gillette ready for 

"All the fuel we had was coal that we dug for ourselves. One 
day while my wife and I were gone for a load of the black dia- 
monds, the log house burned down. But my mother-in-law saved 
herself and the baby. We didn't have any money, so I traded two 
cows for a shack without windows in town", Lew recalls. 

"In 1917 1 figured I had better get myself a ranch as the day of 
the free range was over. I homesteaded out in the Deadhorse 
Basin and started building. Hard times came and the home- 
steaders wanted to get out, so I just kept adding blocks of land until 
our ranch was ten miles across." 

Lew now lives alone in his "Horseshoe Villa" in Gillette. Mrs. 
Barlow died a number of years ago. His sons, Glen and Lew, 
operate the old ranch, while his daughter, Mrs. Ed Littleton, and a 
son, Fred, live in town. Visitors from every state in the Union, 
Canada, Europe, Asia, and Africa have signed his guest book 
and looked at his famous collection. Often groups of school chil- 
dren come to see his petrified proof of an exciting past and listen 
to Lew's okes as he shows them around. 

In 1962 the Wyoming State Historical Society presented an 
award to Lew. It reads: "To L. H. Barlow in recognition of his 
activity in the promotion and preservation of Wyoming history in 
the fields of Archeology and Paleontology and for his collection in 
these fields." 

Lew Barlow believes that people are too busy in these modern 
times for enough of the good old-fashioned laughs. "Roping and 
riding was work for cowboys in the early days. Rodeo like we 
have now is only a show, but kinda nice to look at." A twinkle 
lights the eyes of Lew as he remembers the past. 

He likes the old Germanized saying, "Ve got too soon oldt, and 
too late schmardt." His favorite motto made of arrowheads is 


"Life is not all for money, so make it a song instead of money, and 
enjoy our milk and honey." This philosophy plus the hobby of 
collecting fossils and artifacts keeps Lew healthy, alert, busy and 
happy at ninety-four. "My goal is a hundred or more," he 

$ohn Shepherd Day 

J. Herold Day 

John Shepherd Day started school in the spring of 1 869 at the 
age of four, but with only a few years of formal schooling, he was a 
self-educated man. His hobby was reading. 

His parents, both of whom were born in England — one in Lon- 
don, the other in the South of England — died when he was young; 
his mother when he was eight years old, his father when he was 

He worked on a neighbor's farm the summer he was thirteen. 
The next winter, he went north where his elder brother was work- 
ing in the timber and got a job as a chore boy, earning $10 a month 
the first year, but was a lumberjack the next three years. 

In 1882, when he was 17, he quit the timber and went to the 
Dakota Territory and spent the first winter in Bismarck, a tough 
town with much gambling during the winter since there was little 
else to do for the many buffalo hunters gathered there. The buf- 
falo were exterminated in that area that year. There was some 
trading carried on with the Sioux Indian who had been subdued 
only recently. 

In the summer of 1883, he worked on the grade construction of 
the railroad from St. Paul to Great Falls. In the early fall he quit, 
to work for a friend to supply the construction gangs with meat — 
mostly deer, some elk and antelope. 

Between these two jobs, in the hottest part of the summer, John 
Day and another man tramped through what is now North Dakota 
to the town of Crookston on the Red River, bought a small row 
boat and drifted down the river to Manitoba. Mr. Day was well 
known for his walking ability throughout his life. 

The urge to see new territory was upon him again, and Leadville, 
Colorado, was booming at this time, so in the year of 1884, Mr. 
Day had the contract to clear the trees, mostly cottonwood, from 
the right-of-way of the Colorado-Midland Railroad, as it was then 
called. He worked to the junction of the Green and Grande 
Rivers. That was the kind of work he liked best. He was an 
excellent woodsman. 

In 1885, John Day moved on to Wyoming, coming first to the 
Cheyenne country. He worked that spring on Horse Creek, shear- 
ing sheep, and then drifted on to the Sweetwater that summer 
where he worked for Jack Cooper as a cowboy. 

He spent the winter of 1885-86 around the Rongis stage station. 


where most of the cowboys holed up for the winter, doing odd jobs 
such as cutting wood. 

One cold winter night, the body of Jack Cooper, the cowman 
for whom he had worked the summer before, and who had been 
killed in a gun fight, was brought in to the Rongis stage station. 
Every room was occupied, and the station owner was at his wit's 
end as to where to put the body. He asked every roomer if he 
would take the body in with him. The answer was a definite "No" 
until he came to John Day's room. Mr. Day said, "Sure, I'd rather 
have a dead man in with me than some of the live ones I know!" 

Andy Rutledge had a contract with the Rawlins Mercantile 
Company to cut logs and build a stage station to compete with 
Rongis. John Day went to work for him in the spring of 1887 cut- 
ting logs and breaking horses for the stage line. In order to get 
the logs down to lower ground where they could be more easily 
reached with horses, Mr. Day constructed a logging chute on 
Willow Creek on Green Mountain, the ruins of which are still there. 

Rutledge also had the mail contract between Lost Cabin and 
Rongis at that time, and Mr. Day, as substitute carrier, drove it 
between Rongis and the 71 Horse Ranch on Deer Creek a few 
times the winter of '87 and '88, where it was picked up by someone 
else and taken on to Lost Cabin. The winter of '87 and '88 was a 
hard, cold winter with much snow, necessitating the use of a pack 
horse at times instead of the usual team and wagon. 

Andy Rutledge was an honest man and a good friend, but he 
picked the wrong outfit to back him. The Rawlins Mercantile 
Company went bankrupt. Before the crash came, Rutledge 
warned Mr. Day, telling him to get the clothes he needed from the 
store in lieu of the wages he had earned. 

J. B. Okie of Lost Cabin happened through Rongis in the spring 
of 1888 on his way to Oregon after sheep he had bought there. 
Rutledge introduced John Day to Okie recommending him highly, 
and Okie hired Mr. Day as general ranch and sheep foreman, a 
position he held till he left Okie's employ in 1893 to go into 
business for himself. 

While he was working for Okie, he served as a guide on a pack 
trip through Yellowstone Park for the Okie family and friends. 
This was about 1891. 

John Day went into the sheep business in 1893, but that venture 
lasted only two years. 

John S. Day married Hannah Welch, November 29, 1894, in 
Lander, Wyoming. They spent their first year of married life in 
sheep camp living in a tent. 

Mrs. Day went to her father's home in Ogden, Territory of Utah, 
when her first child, John Herold, was expected, and when he was 
almost three months old, she took the U.P. train as far as Rawlins, 
where Mr. Day met them with a covered wagon. They were caught 


in a blizzard on the way, but arrived in Lost Cabin the day before 
Christmas, 1895. 

From McGraw, a prospector, Mr. Day had purchased the relin- 
quishment rights to a homestead on Badwater Creek about three 
miles west of where Lysite now is, and six miles west of Lost Cabin, 
in the fall of 1 896. He and his wife and their infant son lived there 
in tents that winter while Mr. Day cut and hewed logs for the house 
he built the spring and summer of 1896. Mr. and Mrs. Day lived 
there the rest of their lives. 

John Day raised hay and grain on his ranch and ran cattle, using 
the ER brand at first and then the Battle-Axe. He had horses, of 
course, and in the early 1900's, he raised pigs and cured his own 
hams and bacons. 

He had a few mining interests on Copper Mountain during the 
boom after 1900. He paid a few assessment fees and hired a miner 
or two to do assessment work. 

During the building of Shoshoni, lumber was hauled down from 
Okie's saw mill on Big Deep Creek in the Big Horn Mountains to 
Lost Cabin, the road being kept open even in winter, and there the 
freighters picked it up and hauled it to Shoshoni. John Day's 
Battle-Axe Ranch was the overnight stop between Lost Cabin and 
Shoshoni, both coming and going. It was not a road ranch, as only 
the freighters and their horses were fed and put up for the night. 
The ranch served in that same capacity during the building of the 
Burlington Railroad in 1910. 

John Day and Ed Knapp had a contract to furnish beef for the 
construction gangs working on the Burlington railroad as it was 
being built between Alkali Creek and the mouth of Hoodoo Creek 
(a distance of approximately 30 miles) about 1910. Mr. Day 
furnished hay for the horses used in the construction of the railroad 
about this same time. 

The flood of 1923, when Badwater went on the rampage, washed 
away the farming land of the Battle-Axe ranch, but John Day 
continued to run cattle. 

Mr. Day served on the Lost Cabin school board when it was the 
only school in the area. 

He was a quiet man, never spoke ill of anyone and got along 
with everyone — cowman and sheepman alike, in the days when 
that was not easy to do. They all liked and respected him. 

John Day was in poor health the last years of his life, but he 
never ceased to plan for the future. Even on his last sick bed, at 
the age of 79, he was planning what he would do as soon as he got 
out of the hospital. 

ftook Keviews 

The West of William H. Ashley. Edited by Dale L. Morgan (Den- 
ver: Old West Publishing Co. Index, maps, illus. 341 pp. 

One of the most outstanding books of Western Americana to 
come off the press in recent years is this volume, The West of Wil- 
liam H. Ashley. It is a monumental work by a distinguished 
author and should be one of the enduring monuments in the history 
of the fur trade in the Rocky Mountains. 

Other fur traders came west before Ashley, but his name is 
inseparable from this period of history. It was he who established 
the rendezvous, the gala "mountain fair" which occupies a dramatic 
place in our history, and who introduced the free trappers to the 
West, those intrepid souls who became known as the mountain 
men. He made the fur industry pay off for the Americans, and the 
forces which he unleashed opened up the West and greatly affected 
its history. 

The book is divided into two main divisions, Book I "The 
Bloody Missouri," and Book II "Beyond the Continental Divide," 
and prefaced with an extensive introduction by the author. In the 
introduction Mr. Morgan has written a biographical sketch of 
Ashley and a review of the fur trade and exploration in the West 
prior to the Ashley Period. 

In Book I he develops the history of the turbulent partnership 
between William Henry Ashley and Andrew Henry during the 
years 1 821-24. It was during these years the partners attempted to 
establish operations on the Yellowstone, suffered crushing blows 
at the hands of the Ankara, and turned to the central Rockies for 
a new source of furs. Henry withdrew discouraged just before the 
new fur bonanza was discovered. 

Book II traces Ashley's travels during the years 1824-26, during 
which time he inaugurated the rendezvous and formed a new part- 
nership with Jedediah Smith. Ashley sold out to Smith, Jackson 
and Sublette in 1826, following which he served as banker and 
agent for the new partnership. In 1831 Ashley entered public life 
once again, a field in which he had been active earlier. His story 
ends in 1838, the year he died. 

This volume represents a lifetime of interest by the author and 
twenty years of research and study. Dale Morgan has drawn upon 
all possible sources and records and presents them here in a most 
comprehensive manner. The Ashley papers are supplemented by 
letters of Indian agents, army officers, members of Congress, rec- 
ords from rival companies, from his own men, and newspaper 
accounts. Morgan ties these documents into a cohesive whole 


through his narratives. The documents are further enlarged upon 
and illuminated in an appendix of extensive notes which totals 
more than one hundred pages. 

The book is in an unusually large format, fourteen by nine and a 
half inches. It is beautifully illustrated with Catlin sketches, two 
reproductions in black and white of water colors by Charles Bod- 
mer, by several early maps, and by a large fold-in map of the West, 
'The West of William H. Ashley, 1821 -38/' including an inset 
showing in detail the area described in Ashley's diary. 

Cheyenne Lola M. Homsher 

The Great Gates. By Marshall Sprague. ( Boston, Little, Brown 
and Co. 1964. Illus., index. 468 pp. $7.50.) 

Marshall Sprague, a resident of Colorado, is probably best 
known for Money Mountain, which treats the gold rush at Cripple 
Creek during the turn of the century. Massacre: The Tragedy at 
White River, and Newport in the Rockies. His latest non-fiction 
book, The Great Gates: The Story of the Rocky Mountain Passes, 
must of necessity cover some familiar historical terrain: the ex- 
plorations of the Spanish in the Southwest, Lewis and Clark in the 
north, fur trappers and traders, army men like Stephen Long and 
John Fremont, imaginative miners during the gold and silver 
booms, and the railroad builders and surveyors working in the late 
1 80CTs. But the focus on the character and history of the mountain 
passes themselves, as well as the adventures of the men who be- 
came involved with them, gives freshness and significance to the 

And there are relatively new faces and events appearing here 
also. Elderly Major Jacob Fowler of Kentucky explores southern 
Colorado and northern New Mexico with his Negro slave and 
compiles his impressions in quaintly misspelled diary entries. 
Despite a potentially debilitating injury suffered in a fall from his 
mount (a common hazard for early western travelers, causing the 
death of Josiah Gregg and badly injuring George Buxton), Captain 
Howard Stansbury, a civil engineer sympathetic with both Indians 
and Mormons, surveys the Salt Lake region and a route through 
southern Wyoming where the Overland Trail and Union Pacific 
Railroad later run. Young Lieutenant John Mullan, an energetic 
twenty-three-year-old Irishman, effectively investigates high passes 
on the Continental Divide in west-central Montana. 

In addition, we become acquainted with intriguing, usually 
neglected figures such as Dr. James Hector, whose accident gave 
the name Kicking Horse to the river and pass in western Alberta; 
a cantankerous engineer, Frederick W. Lander, who developed the 


Lander Cut-Off to shorten the route to Oregon; Dr. Ferdinand 
Vandeveer Hayden, director of the U. S. Geological and Geograph- 
ical Survey of the Territories in 1869-1878, and his young scientists 
who accomplished a major and little-heralded job of mapping the 
Rocky Mountains at a surprisingly early period in the West's his- 
tory; and such railroad developers as John Evans, William Palmer, 
Otto Mears, James Hill, and William Van Home, an Illinois farm 
boy who was knighted by Queen Victoria and became president of 
the Canadian Pacific Railroad. Wyoming readers will have a 
special interest in the chapters entitled "Teton Tourists''' and 
"South Pass: Fruit of Failure," both of which center on important 
passes in the state. 

Two final and unusual chapters treat the role of early alpinists 
in exploring and popularizing the Canadian Rockies and the effects 
of automobile travel on the mountain passes since the development 
of what Mr. Sprague calls the "benzine buggy" early in the present 
century. He concludes with a pertinent question for the West as a 
whole: "Of course we are a-tingle about the astronauts now, fly- 
ing over the Rockies in six seconds flat every hour or two, making 
ready so that the rest of us can go touring to the moon almost any 
Sunday. The dear old wagon-road days! People say that the hills 
were higher then. But were they really? Some of us find them 
pretty high still, higher even than where the space ships go. Tell 
me, do they have sweet-voiced ptarmigans and alpine meadows in 
the stratosphere? Cutthroat trout lazing in crystal streams? Do 
they have hillsides of aspen against the dark spruce, aspens blazing 
gold and orange in the crisp air of September? Will the lift-off 
from that launching pad send me somewhere better than the top of 
Mosquito Pass?" 

For some who live in the Rocky Mountains and share a delight 
in the beauty, solitude, and danger of the passes dealt with by Mr. 
Sprague, the answer is a clear "No." And though an obvious 
conclusion from the strand of history developed in the book is that 
change is inevitable, those who value the distinctive character and 
intangible satisfactions found in the high country might give 
thought to what has happened so far in opening up the Rockies and 
choose the directions for future economic explorations and expan- 
sions with great care. It is possible the time may come when un- 
spoiled nature is more important economically and psychologically 
than railroads, dams, mines, and missile silos. 

Mr. Sprague's enthusiasm for his subject is apparent, and he 
transmits it to the reader in a clear, informal, and often humorous 
style of writing which makes the book a sound one for the general 
reader as well as the more serious student of the West. In par- 
ticular, he takes delight in the quirks of personality and fate which, 
as the late H. L. Davis conveyed so well in his Oregon novels, have 
been a part of the region's history. The book has useful notes, 
two maps, thirty half-page or full-page photographs of various 


passes, and an index. In addition, one of the intriguing aspects of 
The Great Gates is a listing of passes (a miniature guidebook 
really ) with annotations on such matters as elevation, location, 
nature of transportation required for crossing, and historical back- 

University of Wyoming Robert A. Roripaugh 

Cowboys and Cattlemen. A Roundup from Montana The Mag- 
azine of Western History. Selected and edited by Michael W. 
Kennedy. (Hasting House, 1964. Illus., index. 364 pp. 


This book is an anthology of twenty-four articles on practically 
every phase of the cattle industry from the I850's until 1900. It is 
illustrated with copies of paintings and drawing by Charles Russell, 
Ed Borein and others. Dozens of historic photographs by L. A. 
Huffman and unknown photographers are included in the text. 

The titles of this fascinating book, arranged in different sections 
are: From Beaver to Beef; Rangeland Royalty; Trail Drivin" and 
Texans; Bad Medicine; Mavericks, Rustlers, Renegades and 
Stranglers; Rawhide and Sage Brush; and End of the Open Range. 

Some of these various articles pertain to Wyoming history as 
well as Montana. 

Authors of these articles are: Lewis Atherton, Robert Fletcher, 
Larry Gill, Donald H. Welsh, Ernest M. Richardson, Michael S. 
Kennedy, James A. Russell, Joe B. Frantz, Floyd Hardin, Ray H. 
Mattison, Wallis Huidekoper, Rufus A. Coleman, T. J. Kerttula, 
Oscar O. Mueller, Helena Huntington Smith, J. Frank Dobie, 
Allen Toole, Matt J. Kelly, George T. Armitage, L. A. Huffman, 
Mabel Lux, Mark H. Brown. Dr. Robert H. Burns and Gene 
Gressley of the University of Wyoming are also authors of two of 
the articles. Dr. Burns unraveled the story of the Newman Ranch- 
es after almost fifteen years of research. 

The thrilling story of the first trail drive to Montana Territory 
across Wyoming by Ft. Laramie and up the Bozeman Trail by 
Nelson Story in 1 866 is told by Michael Kennedy. Nelson Story 
with twenty-five riders brought 1 ,000 head of cows and calves 
from Texas. He astounded the commandants of Ft. Laramie, Ft. 
Reno, Ft. Phil Kearny and Ft. C. F. Smith with his audacity and 
determination to drive his herd to Montana. It was suicide with 
all the Indians on the warpath. Yet, by his sagacity he succeeded 
in taking this herd to winter range near Livingston, Montana. 

"Moreton Frewen, Cattle King with a Monocle'', by Ernest 
Richardson, relates some of the life of the Frewen brothers. More- 
ton and Richard, while in Wyoming. They owned the 76 Ranch, 


near present Kaycee, on Powder River, from 1879 to 1886. They 
also owned a mule ranch on Powder River in Montana, which in 
later years was known as the Spear Bitter Creek Ranch. Richard 
spent most of his time there. Moreton's home on upper Powder 
River was called Frewen Castle and was visited by many noblemen 
from Europe. They even captured elk and buffalo, which they 
somehow managed to take to the railroad at Rock Creek, and 
shipped to England and Ireland. The extravagant life at the 76 
has never been equalled in this part of Wyoming. 

Helen Huntington Smith's contribution, "The Truth About the 
Hole-in-the-Wall-Fight", doesn't entirely agree with the story I 
have heard from Walter Monnett. He was one of the men who was 
with Bob Divine and his own horse was shot through the neck. He 
said that Joe Le Fors shot Bob Smith. I believe that the late Rob- 
ert Helvey, of Sheridan had a tape recording of Mr. Monnett's 
account of this fight. 

Sheridan Elsa Spear Byron 

The Oregon Desert. By E. R. Jackman and R. A. Long. (Cald- 
well, Idaho: The Caxton Printers, Ltd. 1964. Illus., index. 
407 pp. $4.95.) 

The authors have covered material of such scope that their writ- 
ing might easily have become pedantic. Instead, writing much as 
they must speak, they have seasoned their facts with the warm 
touch of philosophy and homespun humor. 

It is a book that can answer many of the questions asked by the 
inhabitants and visitors to this 24,000 square miles of "high des- 
ert", who may wonder about the odd formations in the hills, the 
people who came before, the names of the wild flowers and the 
ghost towns and all those features that make the area unique. 

Each of the authors writes about what he knows best. E. R. 
Jackman traveled throughout Oregon for years while working with 
the Extension Service of Oregon State University. With his scien- 
tific background, he discusses the prehistoric past of the area, of 
the tremendous upheavals that cut off its moisture supply. He 
speaks of the animals and plants. 

Practically a lifetime resident of the region, Reub Long earned 
his living in about as many ways as were available — everything 
from sheepherder to freighter. Mainly he has been a cowboy, 
and he now owns thousands of acres of desert range. Reub tells of 
the homesteaders, the sheepherders, the cowboys, the freighters, 
the old-time doctors. He spins tales of his life on the desert — his 
family, friends and his many enterprises. 


The Oregon desert has some inhabitants in common with Wyo- 
ming — wildlife such as mule deer, bobcats, skunks and antelope; 
wild flowers such as Indian paintbrush and lupine; cattle, sheep and 
horses and, of course, the sagebrush. 

This dry section of Oregon also shares some of Wyoming's prob- 
lems: water, range development and management and irrespon- 
sible hunters. All this is covered in the book and much more, and 
yet it is a book that can be read by anyone with enjoyment. Any 
chapter in it can stand alone as a separate article, but continuity 
is maintained throughout, for each chapter is written with the 
Oregon desert as its setting. 

Cody Anne Fendrich 

The Field Notes of Captain William Clark, J 803-1 805. Edited 
with an Introduction and Notes by Ernest Staples Osgood. 
(New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1964. 
Illus., index. 335 pp. $12.50.) 

One of the fascinating chapters of the history of the West is the 
story of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. The expedition has been 
well documented, for President Jefferson encouraged the captains 
and their men to keep as many journals as possible on the trip so 
that, if any were accidentally lost, there was a chance of survival 
of a part of them. Both Lewis and Clark and seven of their men, 
kept journals. Four of the latter have been preserved and pub- 
lished, and Reuben Gold Thwaits in 1904-05 transcribed, edited 
and published the captains' journals, with those of two of their 
men, under the title Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark 

These journals consisted of several small notebooks officially 
kept by the captains. It was long suspected that they had kept 
field notes and transcribed them into the official records. The 
notes were presumed to be lost. 

In 1953 a dramatic discovery was made in the attic of a house in 
St. Paul, Minnesota, where, in a large collection of papers being 
investigated by the Minnesota Historical Society, was found what 
proved to be the rough field notes kept by Captain William Clark 
and used as the basis of preparation of his official record. These 
notes are now located in the Collection of Western Americana at 
Yale University, placed there by Frederick W. Beinecke. 

Ernest Staples Osgood, eminent western historian, has con- 
ducted an admirable piece of detective work in authenticating the 
notes, in reconstructing their history and travels as nearly as could 


be done, and in his work of editing and comparing them with the 
later official field notes. 

The notes are published here in two parts. The first, the Dubois 
Journal, fills in a gap of information between the Ohio journey and 
the journey up the Missouri river and back to civilization. The 
Dubois Journal notes had not been transcribed into any permanent 
record for preservation and practically nothing had been known of 
the party's sojourn at this point. 

The second part consists of the notes on the River Journey, the 
1600 miles covered to the Mandan village. Although official rec- 
ords on this part of the trip had been kept, these rough notes add 
many side lights to history. Clark had jotted down notes on the 
people in the party, the problems confronting them and possible 
solutions, hearsay reports on the country they were to traverse and 
through which they were passing, and rough maps sketched on the 
basis of information available, made to plan the route of the 

Following the notes edited by Dr. Osgood, facsimile copies of 
the original documents are reproduced here in full size. Anyone 
who wishes can thereby conduct his own investigation and com- 
parison of these notes and reach his own conclusions. 

This book, published in outsize format, is a fine contribution to 
Western Americana. Hopefully we look forward to other discov- 
eries of notes hidden away in attics and basements which may have 
escaped the ravages of time and which will shed equal light on 
other obscure phases of Western history. Too much of the true 
frontier story of the West remains yet untouched by the historian. 

Cheyenne Lola M. Homsher 

The Story Catcher. By Mari Sandoz. (Philadelphia, The West- 
minster Press. 1963. Illustrated by E. J. McCorkell. 175 
pp. $3.25) 

This little novel is the second Mari Sandoz has written in which 
the central character is an Indian boy who is determined to win 
his standing in the tribe by means other than the traditional ones. 
It is the story of Young Lance who wants to be what we would call 
a tribal historian instead of a great warrior, "Story Catcher" he 
would be called by the Indians. Such a position was most highly 
respected; consequently standards were high, qualifications de- 
manding, and total acceptance was not easily achieved. The "story 
catcher" had to be much more than a mere story teller or handy 
with his artist's tools. He had to have great insight, objectivity, 
integrity, and skill to convey in his seemingly simple drawings the 


aspirations, the sufferings and failures, the defeats and triumphs, 
the heroism and genuine worth of his people. Young Lance had 
to earn his place, and the novel is, of course, the story of his 
maturing, his struggles, his learning humility, his mistakes and their 
consequent punishment by the tribe, and, at the end, his deserved 

As the story develops there is an abundance of excitement and 
suspense — Lance's capture of the little enemy Ree boy (who pro- 
vides an admirable study of human relationships), the inevitable 
pursuits, battles, captures and escapes, all of them dramatic, con- 
vincing, and stirring. 

As usual in Mari Sandoz' books, the story is beautifully told, 
though perhaps somewhat less poetically than the earlier novel, 
The Horse Catcher. But it is, of course, a different story told in its 
own effective way, written in that flawless style which is one of 
Miss Sandoz' marks of distinction. The sympathy and admiration 
which she has always had for these people are there, along with her 
great knowledge and understanding; and she invests these Plains 
Indians with the simplicity, dignity, and nobility which for her are 
their distinguishing characteristics. Like her other works which 
deal with the Indians, this one is fine and satisfying, one which 
should contribute to our appreciation of a people too often 

University of Wyoming Richard Mahan 

War Eagle. A Life of General Eugene A. Carr. By James T. 
King. (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1963. Illus., 
index. 321 pp. $6.00) 

Author King, in his vivid story of the life of General Eugene A. 
Carr, gives the reader a fascinating account of the military life and 
exploits of this most deserving personality. A soldier of high moral 
character and personal convictions, "War Eagle," as he was called 
by the Indians, distinguished himself in the Civil War by winning 
the Congressional Medal of Honor. 

In nearly forty years of service, thirty of which were devoted to 
the life of a frontier cavalry officer, he experienced the heartbreaks 
of loneliness, isolation in remote frontier posts, and "Old Army"' 
political maneuvering. Obviously devoted to, and respected by, 
his men his deep concern for adequate supplies and equipment 
usually brought frustrating results. 

The description and details of his many Indian campaigns are 
accurately and vividly set forth. It is quite evident that General 


Carr's niche in Western history has been sorely neglected. His 
experiences in Arizona Apache country alone make this book well 
worth reading, and no student or historian of Indian warfare would 
fail to recognize General Carr as an outstanding cavalry officer 
who contributed significantly to American expansion Westward. 
He truly deserved his promotion to Brigadier General, but he paid 
a handsome price — premature retirement from a service to which 
he devoted his life. 

Cheyenne E. T. Bohlen 

Custer Country. By Ralph E. Scudder. (Portland, Binfords and 
Mort, 1963! Illus., index. 63 pp. $3.00) 

For the student of Custer history or the Custer "buff", this book 
should be in great demand for it accomplishes in 63 pages what 
some authors have tried to do with many thousands of words and 
hundreds of pages. The old Chinese proverb, "One picture is 
worth ten thousand words," well applies to what Ralph Scudder 
has accomplished in compiling his Custer Country. 

Of all the words printed in describing the terrain and country 
that Custer and the 7th cavalry crossed in pursuit of the Indian, 
and the deadly battle on the Little Big Horn June 25, 1876, none 
can accomplish or describe this area so well as the fine oblique 
aerial photographs used in this work, to show the topography, 
lines of march, and battle sites. 

The author used a professional photographer and airplane to 
photograph the terrain over which Custer and his men marched and 
fought, and did the aerial photography on the anniversary date of 
these events to show the topography, as near as possible, as it 
looked to these Indian fighters as they marched into the unknown 
from the mouth of the Rosebud creek to the banks of the Little 
Big Horn. 

The text of this book guides the reader through the different 
phases of this campaign very precisely, inasmuch as the aerial 
photos used eliminate the need for a word picture of the surround- 
ings and terrain, so often necessary in other works on this subject. 

This book is interestingly written and is very nicely illustrated 
with 35 pictures and six uncluttered maps, and the aerial pho- 
tography is superb. There is an ample bibliography and index. 
This book is a fine work by itself, but of more importance is its 
ability to supplement all previous Custer publications used by 
either the amateur or professional historian. 

Sheridan Glenn D. Sweem 


Tales of the Frontier. Selected and Retold by Everett Dick. ( Lin- 
coln, University of Nebraska Press, 1963. 390 pp. $6.00) 

An entertaining and comprehensive collection of stories of the 
old west has been brought together in this latest book of Everett 

According to the author's statement in his foreword, he encoun- 
tered the stories over many years of research, and he recorded the 
sources so that they might someday be shared with others. All the 
stories are true, or have been told as true, but any erroneous details 
have been correlated with historical fact. 

The period covered chronologically is from the early 1800's, 
when the opening western frontier was still along the Missouri 
River, through the latter years of that century when bonanza 
ranching was in full swing on the great plains. 

Among the stories familiar to Wyoming readers are those of 
Portugee Phillips' ride from Fort Phil Kearny to Fort Laramie, 
and of Ah-ho-ap-pa, daughter of Chief Spotted Tail, told here as 
"The Princess of Fort Laramie." Many more stories are found 
here for the first time under such intriguing titles as "Bushel of 
Doughnuts", "The Circuit Rider and the Sinners' 1 , "The Kitchen 
Frontier", "The Traveling Courthouse" and "The Phantom Piccolo 

A section of clear and precise maps is included in the book, 
and is most convenient and helpful to establish geographic back- 
ground for the stories. Some of the maps are The West of Lewis 
and Clark, The West of the Trapper, the frontiers of mining, and 
overland transportation and rails of the west. 

The reader is sure to put Dick's book down with a fresh realiza- 
tion of the vigor, adventure, humor, tragedy and heroic endeavor 
that went into the development of our western country. 

Cheyenne Katherine Halverson 

Dr. Bessie. By Alfred M. Rehwinkel. (St. Louis, Concordia 
Publishing House. 1963. 171pp. $3.00) 

This is a delightful biography of Dr. Bessie Efner Rehwinkel 
presented in a running narrative by her husband. 

At a time when women doctors were extremely rare, she grad- 
uated from medical school and set up practice in a small town in 
Iowa. She went through the usual trials of any young doctor in 
addition to the ones due to her sex. She finally became established 
and was enjoying a successful practice when the panic of 1907 set 


in. As a result she decided to try a frontier country, and in 
December, 1907, she moved to Carpenter, Wyoming. 

The land was then opening to homesteaders, and her description 
of the early life of the homesteader is well worth reading. 

In the course of her practice she attended a severely injured 
young minister from Burns, Wyoming, and eventually married him. 

The marriage ended her life as a doctor, but she then described 
a most interesting life as the wife of a rural minister in northwest 

This is a well written and interesting account of the early home- 
steading days of Wyoming. 

Cheyenne David M. Flett, M.D. 

Higher Education in a Maturing Democracy. By Louis G. Geiger. 
(Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1963. 91 pp. $3.00) 

These two readable and delightful essays discuss the effects of 
and changes in higher education throughout the past one hundred 
years. Within this framework the author covers the achievements, 
failures and faults of the Land-Grant Colleges. The frankness of 
the author's criticism, not only of the colleges but of those indi- 
viduals and groups that through lack of knowledge or for personal 
motives criticize or condemn the colleges, is likely to make this 
book a controversial one. 

The first essay sketches briefly the history of higher education 
from 1850, when not one college had a laboratory, to the present; 
from the time when the majority of the curriculum was devoted to 
Roman and Grecian literature and history to the institution with a 
program equally strong in the humanities and the sciences; the 
availability of colleges to the entire population, with the resulting 
effects on the maturity of the nation, sociologically as well as 
politically; the scientific and agricultural advances, and the fine 
arts and moral conduct. In concluding the first essay, the author 
expresses the belief that the colleges and universities are providing 
the common experience for Americans that the frontier once did 
. . . the common experience necessary to draw us together . . . that 
they are creating a "new American style." 

The second essay which considers the Land-Grant idea and the 
transformation of American society is based on the Land-Grant 
colleges of the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountain Region. In 
these areas the role of such colleges has been most marked, for in 
these regions the Land-Grant colleges stood alone with no com- 
petition or guidance from powerful private or sectarian institutions. 
While the author acknowledges the numerous and extremely bene- 


ficial achievements of the Land-Grant colleges, he also discusses 
their faults and failures. It is from this discussion that contro- 
versy might develop. The Land-Grant colleges' fierce competition 
among themselves in copying and duplication has resulted in the 
achievement of a "system of higher education lacking in system" 
with little if any working together or sharing in a common enter- 
prise. "Competition", the author states, "may be the life of trade, 
and possibly of religion, but in the field of education it has also 
been the source of frustration and waste." 

The lack of college histories and even the colleges' reluctance to 
have good histories written is commented upon. The reluctance of 
the colleges to make available the papers necessary to the writing 
of a college history is also considered. The great majority of 
college histories, the author notes, are "some variation of the rise- 
from-rags-to-riches theme, and not much more." The colleges 
are criticized not only for not wanting an impartial outside ap- 
praisal of their operations, but also for their smugness and their 
philosophy that they have never been guilty of a failure or mistaken 
policy that could not have been remedied by spending more money. 

"Democracy's College" as the author refers, not inappropriately, 
to the Land-Grant colleges, seem to him to turn out more graduates 
who lack either sound judgment or a clear sense of their public 
responsibilities than do private institutions. Preparation of high 
school curriculum with no assistance from the professors of the 
subject matter area is decried, as is the launching of a new college 
curriculum which is "preceded by a search of other colleges' cata- 
logs; new course descriptions smell of plagiarism." The "irre- 
sponsible interference" of outsiders leads the author to conclude 
that not Washington, but local influences, exert more "idealogical 
interference" in our colleges. Only complete and candid informa- 
tion can be the answer to critics and friends alike, concludes the 

The only question I would ask the author is this: Is this a 
maturing or a decaying democracy? 

Cheyenne J. Pelham Johnston 


David D. Dominick served three years as a U. S. Marine Corps 
officer following his graduation from Yale University in 1960. He 
is presently a law student at the University of Colorado. Born in 
Philadelphia, he moved with his family to Cody, Wyoming in 1940. 
His father. Dr. DeWitt Dominick, is a prominent physician, and the 
family operates the 7-D dude ranch in the Sunlight Basin during 
the summer. 

J. Herold Day, born in 1895, has been engaged in cattle ranch- 
ing in Wyoming all of his life. As a young man he worked for his 
father and other ranchers as a cowhand, and later acquired ranch 
holdings of his own. A few years ago ill health forced him to sell 
his cattle and lease his land, but he and Mrs. Day still live in the 
same ranch house they have occupied since 1917, on Bridger 
Creek, near Lysite. 

John Dishon McDermott. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 34, 
No. 2, October, 1962, pp. 261-262. 

Robert A. Murray. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 36, No. 1, 
April, 1964, p. 124. 

Robert H. Burns. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 22, No. 2, 
July, 1950, p. 76. 

A. S. Gillespie. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 34, No. 2, 
October, 1962, p. 262. 

Burton S. Hill. See Annals of Wyoming, Vol. 34, No. 1, 
April, 1962, p. 131-132. 

Mae Urbanek. See Annuls of Wyoming, Vol. 27, No. 2, 
October, 1955, p. 251, and Vol. 35, No. 2, October, 1963, p. 245. 


The cover picture of the Annals of Wyoming for April, 1964, 
was identified incorrectly as Cloud Peak. The title of the picture 
was taken from information on the original glass plate negative 
in the Stimson Collection. After its publication letters were re- 
ceived from Hans Kleiber, of Dayton, and Elsa Spear Byron, of 
Sheridan, stating that the peak shown in the photograph is Black 
Tooth. Mr. Kleiber suggested that the picture was probably taken 
from the Highland Park area at the head of North Piney Creek. 
Their corrections are appreciated. 

General Jndex 

Adair, Capt., 36:1:67 

Albany National Bank, 36:2:190 

Alburger, Pvt., 36:2:177, 181, 182 

Alder Gulch, 36:2:212 

Alexander, Esther, 36:2:195 

Alkali Creek, 36:2:241 

Allen, W. A., 36:2:141 

'Along Bozeman Trail Near Beck- 
ton," by Elsa Spear Byron, 36: 
1:68, 69 

Alsop, John D., 36:2:187, 188 

Alsop, Tom, 36:2:185, 189; Mrs.. 

Alsop, Wm. J., 36:2:187 

American Fur Co., 36:1:8 

Anderson, John, 36:2:23 

Anderson, William W.. 36:2:222 

Andrews, Ralph W., Indians as the 
Westerners Saw Them, review, 

Antelope Creek, 36:2:185; Springs, 

'Antelope Creek Station," By Edith 
Thompson, 36:1:50 

Army Life On the Plains, by Fran- 
ces C. Carrington, 36:1:52 

Asbury, Bvt. Maj. Henry, 36:2:183 

Atkinson, Ruth Ford, and Maxine 
Colonna, Jireh College — Stirred 
Embers of the Past, review, 36: 

Atlantic City, 36:1:85. 87, 88 

Auger, Roland, 36:2:173 

Backwoods Railroads of the West, 
A Portfolio, by Richard Stein- 
heimer, review, 36:1:114 

Bacon, Dan, 36:2:188 

Bad men, The, Columbia Records 
Legacy Collection, review, 36:1: 

Badwater Creek, 36:2:241 

Baker, — , 36:2:209 

Baker & Graham, 36:1:66 

Balch and Bacon, 36:2:186 

Baptiste. John, 36:2:231 

Barlow, Lew, photo, 36:2:234, 235 

Barnitz. Capt., 36:2:180 

Bartlett, Albert, "Some Interesting 
Facts". 36:1:59. 60 

Basin-Plateau. 36:2:132 

Bassett. A. C, 36:1:81 

Battle-Axe Ranch and brand, 36:2: 

Battle of Platte Bridge, The. by J. 

W. Vaughn, review. 36:1:104, 

1 05 
Beall, W. J.. 36:2:221. 222. 223. 

224. 231; Mrs., 36:2:215, 220, 

221, 222; photo, 219 
Bear Creek, 36:1:48 
Beaumont, 36:2:208 
Beaver Creek Divide, 36:1:66 
Beaverhead Valley, 36:2:205, 206 
Beckton, 36:1:67; 36:2:214 
Beebe, Lucius, The Overland Limit- 
ed, review, 36:1:113 
Beef Makers of the Laramie Plains, 

by Robert H. "Bob" Burns, 36:2: 

Bell, E. J.. 36:2:195 
Bellamy, Mrs. Mary. 36:2:195 
Belle Fouche River, 36:1:69 
Bengough, Clement S. "Ben", 36:2: 

190, 191, 192, 193 
Berry, Henryetta, review of The 

Overland Limited, 36:1:113 
Dr. Bessie, by Alfred M. Rehwinkel, 

review, 36:2:251. 252 
Best, Isaac, 36:2:215 
Big Creek, 36:2:178, 179 
Big Deep Creek, 36:2:241 
Big Goose, 36:1:66. 67, 69; 36:2: 

Big Horn, 36:1:65; 36:2:214; Citv, 

Big Horn Basin route, 36:2:222, 

Big Horn Canyon, 36:1:68 
Big Horn Mountains, 36:2:241 
Big Horn River, 36:1:73; 36:2:20; 

Little Big Horn. 36:2. 233 
Big Horn Sentinel, 36:1:66 
Big Horns (Mountains), 36:1:44 
Big Horns on the Yellowstone, 36: 

2:206, 208, 209, 211, 232 
Big Spring, 36:2:213 
Billington, Ray Allen. Introduction 

to Soldier and Brave, review, 36: 

1:108, 109 
Bingham, 36: 1 :73 
Bishop, Clark, 36:1:65 
Bismarck, 36:2:239 
Blackburn Flat. 36:2:194 
Black Hills. 36:2:232. 236 
Black's Fork, 36:2:143 



Bohlen, E. T., review of War Eagle, 

36:2:249, 250 
Bogue, Allan G., From Prairie To 

Corn Belt, review, 36:1:118, 119 
Bonneville, Capt., 36:2:137 
Bosler, 36:2:200 
Bouier, Mitch, 36:2:216, 217 
Boulder Ridge, 36:2:188 
Bozeman, John Merin, 36:1:44; 36: 

2:204, 205, 209, 211, 212, 221, 

222, 223, 224, 231, 232; photo, 

Bozeman, Lila, 36:2:205 
Bozeman, Linda, 36:2:205 
Bozeman, Martha C, 36:2:205 
Bozeman and the Bozeman Trail, 

by Burton S. Hill, 36:2:205 
Bozeman Courier, 36:2:221 
Bozeman, Mont., 36:2:211, 222, 

Bozeman Pass, 36:2:206 
Bozeman Point, 36:1:69 
Bozeman Road, 36:1:64, 65, 69, 74; 

36:2:229, 230, 231, 232 
Bozeman Route, 36:2:221 
Bozeman Trail, 36:2:212, 214, 218, 

219, 226, 227, 229; Big Goose 

Crossing, 36:1:69; Piney Creek 

Crossing, 36: 1 :64 
"Bozeman Trail Crossing Little 

Goose Valley, 1864", 36:1:66 
Bozeman Trail Trek, 36:1:43-77 
Bozeman Train, 36:2:221, 222 
Bowles, Charles, 36:2:225 
Bradley, Lieut. James H., 36:1:53 
Brady, James, 36:2:208, 209 
Bridger, Jim, 36:1:36, 54, 73 
Bridger Crossing of the Platte, 36: 

Bringolf, Mary, 36:2:186 
Brooks, J. Chadwick, 36:2:172 
Brown, Charles, 36:2:189 
Brown, Capt. F. H., 36:1:63, 65, 

72, 73 
Brown, George, 36:2:189 
Brown, Col. W. C, 36:2:140 
Brown, Lieut., 36:1:45, 47 
Brown's Springs, 36:2:213, 228 
"Brown Springs Station," by Mrs. 

Will M. Henry, 36:1:45 
Brundage, George, 36:2:214 
Brundage, T. J., diary, 36:2:214 
Bryan City, 36:1:80, 88 
Buell, Charles, 36:1:56 
Buell, Gen. Don Carlos, 36:1:8 
Buffalo, 36:1:56; 36:2:213, 233 
Buffalo Creek Station, 36:1:56 
Burns, Kid, 36:2:197 
Burns, Otto, 36:2:192, 195 
Burns, Robert H. "Bob", 36:2:185 

Burlington Railroad, 36:2:241 

Burroughs, John Rolfe, Where the 
Old West Stayed Young, review, 
36:1:117, 118 

Burton, Sir Richard, The Look of 
the West 1860, 36:1:123 

Butte, Mont., 36:2:211 

Byron, Elsa Spear, "The Fetterman 
Fight", 36:1:63-66; "Fortified 
Hill at Beckton", 36:1:67, 68; 
"Along Bozeman Trail Near 
Beckton", 36:1:68, 69; review of 
Cowboys and Cattlemen, 36:2: 
245, 246 

C. B. & Q. R. R., 36:2:213 
Caldwell, Post Surgeon D. G., 36: 

Callender, Bvt. Gen. F. D., 36:2: 

Campbell County, 36:2:235 
Campbell, Robert, 36:1:8; 36:2: 

Cantonment Reno, 36:1:52, 53 
Carpenter, Capt., A. B., 36:2:179 
Carrington, Frances C, 36:1:52 
Carrington, Col. Henry B., 36:1:52, 

60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 67; 36:2:226, 

227, 230; Mrs., 36:1:45 
Carter County, 36:1:82 
Castle Rock Stage Station, 36:2: 

178, 179 
Catlin, Maj. John B., 36:2:229 
Cattle Raising on the Plains 1900- 

1961, by John T. Schlebecker, re- 
view, 36:1:105, 106, 107 
Centennial, 36:2:193 
Chandler, Capt. Robert, 36:2:183 
Cheyenne Argus, The, 36:1:81 
Cheyenne River, 36:1:69 
Cheyenne River Crossing, 36:1:48 
Chimney Rock, 36:2:186 
Choteau, Pierre Jr. & Co., 36:1:8 
Clampitt, John W., 36:1:86 
Clark's Fork of the Yellowstone, 

Clay, John, 36:2:190 
Clay - Robinson Commission, 36: 

Clear Creek, 36:1:56; 36:2:209, 

211, 212, 233 
Coates, Surgeon, 36:2:177 
Coe & Carter, 36:1:67 
Coffinbury, Capt. Cyrus B., 36:2: 

218, 219 



Coffinbury Train. 36:2:214. 220. 

Cole, Capt., 36:1:69. 70 

Cole, Col. 36:1:51. 52. 71, 75 

Coleman, Lieut. William. 36:2:210. 

Colon, Jean, 36:2:172 

Colonna, Maxine and Ruth Ford 
Atkinson, Jireh College — Stirred 
Embers of the Past, review. 36: 1 : 

Colorado - Midland Railroad. 36:2: 

Conley, Corp. Paddy, 36:1:62 

Connelly, Sgt.. 36:2:178. 179 

Connor, Gen. Patrick E.. 36:1:49, 
51. 52. 70. 71. 73. 74. 75; 36:2: 
223: Powder River Expedition, 

Conrad. John H. & Co.. 36:1:56 

Contor. Jack. 36:2:153 

Converse Countv. 36:2:213. 228 

Cook. C. W.. 36:2:138 

Cooke. Lt. W. W.. 36:2:176. 178. 

Cooper, Jack, 36:2:239, 240 

Cooper Creek, 36:2:191 

Copper Mountain, 36:2:241 

Corner Mountain, 36:2:194 

Cover, Tom, 36:2:224. 231 

Cowboys and Cattlemen, selected 
and edited by Michael W. Ken- 
nedy, review. 36:2:245, 246 

Cox. Capt., 36:2:179 

Crampton. C. Gregory, review of 
Where the Old West Staved 
Young, 36:1:117. 118 

Crazy Woman Creek, 36:1:74; 36: 
2:208. 213 

"Crazy Woman Creek Indian Bat- 
tle, The," by Burton S. Hill. 36: 
1:53, 54, 56 

Creighton, Ed, 36:2:186. 187, 189 

Crook, Gen. George, 36:1:44. 49; 

Crookston. 36:2:239 

Cross H Ranch, 36:2:213 

Curtin, Loretta, review of Indians 
as the Westerners Saw Them, 

Custer, Bvt. Maj. Gen. G. A.. 36:2: 
175-184, 233 

Custer, Tom. 36:2:176. 178. 179 

Custer Country, by Ralph E. Scud- 
der, review, 36:2:250 

Custer Court Martial, The, by Rob- 
ert A. Murray, 36:2:175 

Cycle of the West, A, by John G. 
Neihardt, review, 36:1:123 

Davis. W. F., 36:1:66 

Day. Hannibal. 36:1:6 

Day. J. Herold. 36:2:239, 240. 241 

Dayton. 36:1, 73; 36:2:214 

Deer Creek, 36:2:207, 208 

Deer Lodge, Mont.. 36:2:210 

Deer Lodge Valley, 36:2:206, 209 

Denver, Colo.. 36:2:212 

DeQuill. Dan, 36:1:85 

DeSmet. Father Pierre, 36:1:57 

"DeSmet. Lake," by J. Tom Wall, 

36:1:57-59, 67, 74 
Devils Tower, 36:2:236 
DeVoto. Bernard. 36:1:79 
Dick, Everett, Tales of the Frontier, 

review. 36:2:250 
Dickerson, Albert J., 36:2:221 
Dickson party, 36:2:221 
Diesels West.', by David P. Morgan, 

review, 36:1:1 14. 115 
Doane. Gustavius C. 36:2:138 
Dominick, David. The Sheepeaters, 

Donely. Corp. Peter. 36:1:69 
Douglas Willan & Sartoris Co.. 36: 

2:193, 195 
Dow. Jack, 36:1:66 
Downer's Station, 36:2:179, 181 
Doyle, Pvt. Tom. 36:1:62 
Draper. W. F., 36:2:235 
Dry Cheyenne Crossing, 36:1:45 
Dry Fork of the Cheyenne, 36:2: 

Dry Fork on Powder River, 36:2: 

208, 213 
Dun. Finlay. 36:2:202 
Dunraven. Earl of. 36:2:138 

Eaton ranch, 36:1:69 
Elliot. Maj. Joel, 36:2:176 
Emigrant Gulch. 36:2:220 
Emigrant Trail Trek No. 14. 36:1: 

43-77; photos. 58 
English. Bvt. Lt. T. C. 36:2:183 
ER brand, 36:2:241 

Fee. Lizzie, 36:2:195 

Fendrich, Anne, review of The Ore- 
gon Desert, 36:2:246. 247 

Ferrel. Sgt., 36:1:55 

Fetterman, Col. W. J., 36:1:44 

"Fetterman Fight", by Elsa Spear 
Byron. 36:1:63-66 



Field Notes of Captain William 
Clark, The, ed. and with Intro, 
and Notes by Ernest Staples Os- 
good, review, 36:2:247, 248 

Field, Matthew, 36:2:170 

First National Bank of Buffalo, 36: 

Fisher, Isaac, 36:1:64, 65 

Fissiau-LaRamee, Antoine, 36:2: 
173; Jacques, 173; Jean Baptiste, 
173; Joseph. 173; Joseph Michel, 
173; Louis, 173; Noel, 173; Louis 
Theophile, 173; Pierre Severin, 

Fitzgerald, Corp. Gordon, 36:1:69 

Five Mile Flat, 36:1:72 

Flag Ranch, 36:2:189, 190, 196 

Flemming, Lieut. Hugh, 36:1:13 

Flett, David M., review of Dr. 
Bessie. 36:2:251, 252 

Folsom-Cook Expedition of 1869, 

Fort Benton, 36:2:206 

Fort Bridger, 36:1:80, 85, 86 

Fort Carrington, 36:1:53 

Fort Connor, 36:1:69, 72, 74, 75; 
36:2:213, 225, 227 

Fort Dodge, 36:2:180 

Fort Douglas, 36:2:186 

Fort Fetterman, 36:2:213 

"Fort Fetterman and the Old Hog 
Ranch", by Claude McDermott, 

Fort Hall, 36:2:206 

Fort Hall, Gateway to the Oregon 
Country, by Frank C. Robertson, 
review, 36:2:115, 117 

Fort Hall Reservation, 36:2:132, 
134, 142 

Fort Harker, 36:2:178, 179, 180, 

Fort Hays, 36:2:175, 179, 180, 181 

Fort John, 36:1:8 

Fort Kearney, 36:1:8 

Fort Laramie, 36:1:8, 19, 20, 21, 
73; 36:2:171, 212, 221, 225, 226, 
229; photos, 1849, 36:1:9; N. C. 
O. Quarters, 1884, 36:1:16; pic- 
nic by Laramie River, 1889, 36: 

Fort Laramie's Silent Soldier, Leo- 
degar Schnvder, by John Dishon 
McDermott, 36:1:5-18 

Fort Larned, 36:2:180 

Fort Leavenworth, 36:2:183, 184, 

Fort Lyons, 36:2:180 

Fort McKinney, 36:1:53; 36:2:233 

Fort McPherson, 36:2:175 
Fort Morgan, 36:2:175 

Fort Phil Kearny, 36:1:52, 68; 36: 

2:214, 227, 228, 230 
"Fort Phil Kearny", by D. O. Geier, 

36:1:60, 61 
Fort Reno, 36:2:180, 181, 184, 225, 

227, 229, 230 
Fort Reynolds, 36:2:180 
Fort Riley, 36:2:180, 181, 184 
Fort Sanders, 36:2:187 
Fort Sedgwick, 36:2:175, 182 
Fort Smith, C. F., 36:1:68; 36:2: 

Fort Wallace, 36:2:175, 178, 179, 

180, 181, 182 
Fort William, 36:1:8; 36:2:171 
Fossil Hunting in the Big Horn 

Basin — The diary of Frank L. 

Moore 1899, ed. by Austin L. 

Moore, 36:1:22-33 
Fowler, Don D., Notes On the Ear- 
ly Life of Chief Washakie, 36:1: 

35-42; 124 
Fraser, Steve, 36:2:195 
Fremont, John, 36:1:8 
French Pete, 36:1:65 
From Prairie to Corn Belt, by Allan 

G. Bogue, review, 36:1:118-119 
Frontier Index, 36:1:81 
Fuller, Pvt., 36:1:54 

Gallatin, Albert, 36:2:171 

Gallatin River, 36:2:212 

Gallatin Valley, 36:2:206, 214, 216, 

220, 223; Upper, 233; Upper 

East, 223 
Garber, Vie Willits, "The Wagon 

Box Fight", 36:1:61-63 
Garnett, Richard B., 36:1:10 
Gatchell, Jim, 36:1:65 
Geier, D. O., "Fort Phil Kearney", 
36:1:60, 61 

Geier, George, 36:1:61 
Geiger, Louis, Higher Education in 

a Maturing Democracy, review, 

36:2:252, 253 
Georgia Gulch, Colo., 36:2:205 
Ghent, W. J., 36:2:171 
Gibbony, George, 36:2:115, 217 
Gillespie, A. S. (Bud), 36:2:199 
Gillette, 36:2:235, 237 
Gilman, Edward, 36:1:83 
Gordon, George V. H., 36:2:196 
Gordon, Maj., 36:1:68 
Gordon, Nebr., 36:2:185 
Goshen Hole, 36:2:202 
Grande River, 36:2:239 
Grasshopper Creek, 36:2:205, 208 
Grattan, Lieut. John, 36:1:5. 13 



Great Falls, Mont., 36:2:239 
Great Gates, The, by Marshall 

Sprague, review, 36:2:243-245 
Green, Col., 36:1:68 
Green River, 36:2:239 
Green River Valley. 36:2:152 
Gresley-Robbins ranch, 36:2:190 
Grierson, Bvt. Maj. B. H., 36:2:182 
Grummond, Lieut. G. W., 36:1:63 
Gurian, Jay, Sweetwater Journalism 

and Western Myth, 36:1:79-88; 

biog., 124 

Haggerty, Pvt., 36:1:62 
Hall, Christopher W., 36:1:22 
Hallowell, Louise Stimson, review 

of Songs of Wyoming, 36:1:107, 

Halverson, Katherine. review of 

Oh! Forts of the Northwest, 36: 

1 : 109, 110; review of Tales of the 

Frontier, 36:2:250 
Hamilton, Capt.. 36:2:178, 179 
Hammersley, Pete, 36:2:190 
"Hank Whip", 36:1:85 
Hanna, Oliver Perry, 36:1:66 
Harper, Wagonmaster, 36:2:176 
Harris, Dr. William, 36:2:186 
Hart, Herbert, Old Forts of the 

Northwest, review, 36:1:109, 110 
Harwad, William, 36:1:68 
Hass, Supt., 36:2:141 
Hay Field Fight, 36:1:68 
Hazard, Charles J., 36:1:80, 85 
Hazen, Joe, 36: 1 :45 
Hebard, Grace, 36:2:141, 171 
Hedges, Cornelius, 36:2:222, 223 
Hein (Wright) ranch, 36:2:194 
Heintz, Assistant Surgeon, 36:1:53 
Held, Ed, 36:2:200 
Helena Gazette, The, 36:1:79, 80 
Helena Herald, The, 36:1:87 
Henderson, Paul, maps, Bozeman 

Trail Trek, 36:1:46, 47 
Henry, Catherine, 36:1:48 
Henry, Mike, 36:1:45, 49 
Henry, Will M., 36:1:48 
Henry, Mrs. Will M., "Brown 

Springs Station", 36:1:45-49 
Henry rifle, 36:2:215 
Hepps field, 36:1:61 
Higher Education in a Maturing 

Democracy, by Louis G. Geiger, 

review, 36:2:252, 253 
Hildebrand, Lyle, "Sage Creek 

Station", 36:1:45 

Hill. Burton S., "The Crazy Woman 
Creek Indian Battle", 36:1:53, 
54; "The Trabing Trading Post", 
55-57; Bozeman and the Boze- 
man Trail, 36:2:205-233 
Hoffman, Bvt. Maj. Gen. W., 36:2: 

Holcomb, Marjorie, review of Tales 
....of the Seeds-Ke-Dee, 36: 1 : 1 1 1 
Holt, Joseph, 36:1:14 
Homer. Belle Stuart, 36:2:190 
Homer. Bob, 36:2:188, 189. 190, 

Homer, Capt. John. 36:2:188 
Homsher, Lola M., "Tenth Anniver- 
sary of the Society", 36:1:100- 
103; review of Backwoods Rail- 
roads of the West, A Portfolio, 
36: 1 : 1 14; review of The West of 
William Ashley, 36:2:242, 243; 
review of The Field Notes of Wil- 
liam Clark, 36:2:247, 248 
Honor Thy Father, by Robert A. 
Roripaugh, review, 36:1:120-122 
Hoodoo Creek, 36:2:241 
Horse Creek, 36:2:239 
Horse Creek Council, 36:1:43 
Horseshoe Villa, 36:2:237; photo, 

Huddlemeyer, Frank, 36:2:218 
Hull, Lewis Bram, 36:1:15 
Hunton, John, 36:2:170, 171 
Hust, George, 36:1:80, 85 
Hutton, Charlie, 36:2:186, 187, 189 
Hutton Station, 36:2:200 
Idaho, 36:2:236 
Idaho Terr. 36:2:205 
Indians as the Westerners Saw 
Them, by Ralph W. Andrews, re- 
view. 36:1:110 
Indian Hunter's Blind, photo, 36:2: 


Chiefs and Individuals: 
Big Nose, 36:1:64 
Black Bear, Chief, 36:1:75 
Conquering Bear. 36:1:13 
High Forehead, 36:1:13 
Old David. 36:1:75 
Osceola, Chief. 36:1:6 
Red Cloud, 36:1, 44, 61, 62; 

Standing Elk, 36:2:226 
Togwotee, 36:2: 141 
Under-the-Ground. 36:2:141 
Washakie, Chief. 36:1:35-42; 
photo. 34; 36:2:135. 142 




Algonquin, 36:2:152 

Arapahoes, 36:1:75 

Bannock, 36:2:133, 139, 140, 

Blackfeet, 36:2:143, 231 
Brule Sioux, 36:1:13 
Cheyenne, 36:2:227 
Comanche, 36:2:134, 143 
Crow, 36:2:144, 231 
Gosiute, 36:2:133 
Hopi, 36:2:134 
Nez Perce, 36:2:144 
Paiute, Northern, 36:2:133 
Paiute, Southern, 36:2:133 
Sioux, 36:1:44 
Sheepeaters, 36:2:131-166 
Agaideka, 36:2:133 
Dayiane, 36:2: 133 
Dukarika. See Tukudeka 
Dukurika. See Tukudeka 
Haivodika, 36:2:135 
Hekandeka, 36:2:133 
Hukandeka. See Hekandeka 
Kucundika, 36:2:135 
Kutsundeka, 36:2:133, 134 
Kuyedeka, 36:2:134 
Padehiyadeka, 36:2:134 
Pa-rah-ia-dika. See Tukudeka 
Pengwideka, 36:2:133 
Took-a-rik-kah. See Tukudeka 
Toyani. See Tukudeka 
Tukarika. See Tukudeka 
Tukuarika. See Tukudeka 
Tukudeka, 36:2:131, 133. 134, 

Tukudika. See Tukudeka 
Tukurika. See Tukudeka 
Shoshone. See Shoshoni 
Shoshonee. See Shoshoni 
Shoshoni, 36:2:131. 132, 133, 
134, 135, 144, 146, 147, 148, 
151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 161, 
Sioux, 36:2:131, 132, 133, 134, 
141, 143, 145; Teton, 36:2: 
225, 232 
Snake, 36:2:137 
Ute, 36:2:133 
Weisers, 36:2:140 
Ingram, Lucinda C, 36:2:205 
Irwin, George W. II, 36:2:211, 212 
Jackman, E. R. and R. A. Long, 
The Oregon Desert, review, 36:2: 
246, 247 
Jackson, Lt. Henry, 36:2:176, 177 
Jackson, W. E., 36:1:66 
Jackson, W. Turrentine, review of 
Cattle Raising on the Plains 1960- 
1961, 36:1:105-107 

Jackson Creek, 36:1:66 

Jacobs, John M., 36:2:206, 207, 

208, 209, 212, 222, 223 
Jacob's Crossing, 36:2:223 
James gang, 36:1:66 
Jefferson River, 36:2:212 
Jenness, Lieut. John C, 36:1:62 
Jireh College - Stirred Embers of 

the Past, by Maxine Colonna and 

Ruth Ford Atkinson, review, 36: 

John Shepherd Day, by J. Herold 

Day, 36:2:239 
Johnson, Pvt. Charles, 36:2:177, 

181, 182 
Johnson, Mrs. Fanny, 36:2:192 
Johnson County, 36:2:186, 214 
Johnston, Albert Sydney, 36:1:36 
Johnston, J. Pelham, review of 

Higher Education in a Maturing 

Democracy, 36:2:252, 253 
Jones, A. C, 36:2:191 
Jones, Jack, 36: 1 :68 
Jose, blacksmith, 36:1:67 
Judd, Frank R., 36:1:88 

Kaycee, 36:1:74 

Kelley, William, 36:1:9 

Kennedy, Michael, Cowboys and 

Cattlemen, review, 36:2:245, 246 
Keogh, Capt., 36:2:180 
Ketchum, Capt. William Scott, 36: 

1:10, 11 
Keystone, 36:2:195 
King, James T., War Eagle, review, 

36:2:249, 250 
Kirkendall, Hugh, 36:2:228, 229 
Kirkpatrick, James, 36:2:208, 209 
Kleiber, Hans, Songs of Wyoming, 

review, 36:1:107, 108 
Knapp, Ed, 36:2:241 
Knock, Mike L, 36:2:211 

LaBonte, 36:2:193 

Lake DeSmet, 36:2:213 

Lake Ranch, 36:2:188 

Lander, 36:2:240 

LaRamee, Jacques, 36:2:169, 172; 
J. Edmond, 172, 173; Francois, 
172; Jeanne, 173; Jean Baptiste, 
172; Joseph, 173 

LaRamie, Jacques, 36:2:185 

Laramie City, 36:2:186 

Laramie Mountains, 36:2:185 



Laramie Peak, 36:2:185 

Laramie Plains, 36:2:185, 188, 192, 

193, 200 
Laramie River, 36:2:187, 188; Big 

Laramie, 36:2:186, 187, 196; 

Little Laramie, 36:2:187, 193. 

Larson, T. A., review of From 

Prairie to Corn Belt, 36:1:118, 

Latham, Dr. H., 36:2:188 
Lawrence, Rena Palmer, 36:2:197 
Leadville, Colo., 36:2:239 
Leonard, Bugler, 36:2:177 
Lew Barlow of Gillette, by Mae Ur- 

hanek, 36:2:235-238 
Lightburn. C. L., 36:1:82 
Little Big Horn, 36:1:60 
Little Goose Creek, 36:1:66; ford, 

Lodge Pole Creek, 36:2:208 
Lodge Trail Ridge, 36:1:60 
Lookout Station, 36:2:200 
Look of the West, I860, The, by Sir 

Richard Burton, 36:1:123 
Lorimier, Louis, 36:2:71 
Lorimier's Peak, 36:2:171 
Lost Cabin, 36:2:240, 241 
Lund, Al, 36:2:231 
Lyford, Bvt. Maj. Stephen C, 36: 

Lysite, 36:2:241 

MacAdam, W. K., 36:1:63 
McAdow, P. W., 36:2:224 
McCarthy, Lieut. Francis, 36:1:62 
McCarthy, James, 36:1:80 
McComber, H. B., 36:1:85 
McDermott, Claude, 36:1:44 
McDermott, John Dishon, Fort Lar- 
amie's Silent Soldier Leodegar 
Schnyder, 36:1:5-18; The Search 
for Jacques LaRamee - A Study 
in Frustration, 36:2:169-174 
McGather, John, 36:1:82 
McGraw. — , 36:2:241 
McKeever, Pvt. Edward, 36:1:69 
McKinzie, W. S., 36:2:231, 232 
McLaren, Col. N. R., 36:2:225 
McPherson, Judge A. D., 36:2:231 
M & M Ranch house, 36:2:213 
Madison River, 36:2:212 
Magnolia Saloon. 36:1:85 
Mahan, Richard, review of Honor 
Thy Father, 36:1:120-122; review 
of The Storvcatcher, 36:2:248, 

Marr, Capt., 36:1:53, 54 

Marriott, Alice, Saynday's People, 
review, 36: 1 : 123 

Marsh and Cooper, 36:2:192 

Martin, Oscar and Kelly, ranch, 

Matson, Lieut., 36:1:65 

Maynadier, Col. N. E., 36:2:225 

Medicine Bow, 36:2:200; Moun- 
tains. 185 

Michigan Cavalry, 6th, 36:1:49 

Milbrook Ranch, 36:2:193 

Miles City, Mont., 36:2:235 

Miller, Neal, President's Message. 
See Wyoming State Historical 
Society; review of Soldier and 
Brave, The National Survey of 
Historic Sites and Buildings, Na- 
tional Park Service, 36:1:108, 

Mills, 36:2:217 

Mission Creek, 36:2:231 

Missouri Buttes, 36:2:235; River, 
36:1:69; 36:2:206 

Montana Territory, 36:2:205 

Moon, Lieut. See Moore 

Moore, Austin L., Fossil Hunting in 
the Big Horn Basin, 36:1:22-33; 
biog., 124 

Moore, Frank L., diary, 36:1:22-33 

Moore, Lieut.. 36:1:70 

Morgan, Bill, "Sand Creek Station", 
36:1:49, 50 

Morgan, Dale L., 36:1:35; The 
West of William Ashley, review, 
36:2:242, 243 

Morgan, David P., Diesels West!, 
review, 36:1:114, 115 

Morgan, George. Sr., 36:2:194, 195 

Morgan, Bvt. Brig. Gen. M. R.. 36: 

Morrison, Bvt. Maj. Gen. Pitcairn, 

Mountford, AI, 36:2:191 

Murphy, Sheriff, J. R., 36:1:83 

Murray, Robert A.. Prices and 
Wages at Fort Laramie, 1881- 
1885, 36:1:19-21; biog., 124 

Neihardt. John G., A Cycle of the 

West, review, 36:1:123 
Nelson, Dick J., "Seventy Years and 

More Ago". poem. 36:1:77; 

"Smooth the Way", poem, 36:2: 

Nelson Resort, 36:2:194 
Newman, E. S.. 36:2:185 



Niobrara Cattle Co., 36:2:185 

Norris, Supt., 36:2:140 

North, Capt. Frank, 36:1:49 

North, Maj., 36:1:74 

North Platte River, 36:1:73; 36:2: 

Northern Pacific, 36:2:232 
Notes on the Early Life of Chief 

Washakie, ed. by Don D. Fowler, 


Ogden, U. T., 36:2:240 

Old Forts of the Northwest, by 

Herbert M. Hart, review, 36:1: 

109, 110 
Old Travois Trails, 36:1:61; 36:2: 

215, 216 
Oregon Desert, The, by E. R. Jack- 
man and R. A. Long, review, 36: 

2:246, 247 
Oregon Trail, 36:1:43; 36:2:206, 

208, 212, 221, 223 
Orin, 36:2:213 
Osgood, Ernest Staples, The Field 

Notes of Captain William Clark, 

review, 36:2:247, 248 
Oster, George C, 36:2:216 
Ostrom, George, 36:1:66 
Ould, Dr., 36:1:65 
Overland Limited, The, by Lucius 

Beebe, review, 36:1:113 
Oxford Horse Ranch, 36:2:195 

Palmer, Axel, 36:2:196, 197 

Palmer, Gus, 36:2:197 

Palmer, Capt. Henry E., 36:1:74 

Parker, Aaron, 36:2:140 

Parker, Capt., 36:1:74 

Parkman, Francis, 36:1:8 

Partenhammer, Pvt. James, 36:1:69 

Pease, — , 36:1:88 

Pedersen, Louise Alsop, 36:2:187 

Peno Creek, 36:1:64 

Peterson, Eli, 36:2:195 

Pfeifer, G. L., review of Jireh Col- 
lege - Stirred Embers of the Past, 

Phillips, John (Portugee), 36:1:61 

Pike, George, 36:1:48 

Piney Creek, 36:1:67; 36:2:213; 
Big Piney Creek, 36:2:213; ford, 
214; Little Piney Creek, 36:2: 
214, 227 

Piney Island, 36:1:63 

P K ranch, 36:1:69 

Platte (River), 36:2:175, 180, 182, 
193, 206, 209, 212, 224 

Polk, President, 36:1:8 

Powder River, 36:1:70, 73, 74; 36: 

2:211, 219; Dry Fork, 216, 218, 

222, 224; Crossing, 225; Road, 

226, 232, 233 
Powder River Expedition, 36:1:51 
"Powder River Forts: The, Connor 

and Reno", by Edith Thompson, 

36:1:51, 52 
Powell, Billy, 36:1:45 
Powell, Capt. James W., 36:1:62 
Prairie Dog Creek, 36:1:65 
Prices and Wages at Fort Laramie, 

1881-1885, by Robert A. Murray, 

Pumpkin Buttes, 36:1:52, 69 

Rafeil, — , 36:2:208 

Railsback, E. O., 36:2:214, 216, 

217, 218, 220 
Rainbow Lodge. See Nelson Resort 
Ranchester, 36:1:73, 75; 36:2:214 
Rand, Briggs & Steadman, 36:2:193 
Rawlings, Charles, "General Con- 
nor's Tongue River Battle", 36:1: 
Rawlins Mercantile Co., 36:2:240 
Ray, Capt. Patrick Henry, 36:1: 

Red Buttes Station, 36:2:190 
Red River, 36:2:239 
Rehwinkel, Alfred M., Dr. Bessie, 

review, 36:2:251, 252 
Reminiscences of a Swan Company 
Cowboy, by A. S. (Bud) Gilles- 
pie, 36:2:199-203 
Republican River, 36:2:176 
Reshaw Bridge, 36:2:215, 216 
Rice, Billy, 36:2:190 
Richards, John, 36:2:216, 217 
Riverside Ranch, 36:2:186; Station, 

Robertson, Frank C, Fort Hall, 
Gateway to the Oregon Country, 
review, "36:1:115-117 
Robbins, John, 36:2:196; Mr. and 

Mrs., 192 
Rock Creek, 36:1:81; 36:2:213 
Rock Creek Station, 36:2:200 
Rock Ranch, 36:2:202 
Rongis Stage Station, 36:2:239 
Roripaugh, Robert A., Honor Thy 
Father, review, 36:1:120-122; re- 
view of The Great Gates, 36:2: 
Rose, William, 36:1:83 
Roundup Camp, photo, 36:2:197 
Rourke, Constance, 36:1:84 



Rouse, D. E., 36:2:221, 223, 224, 

Russell. Osborne, 36:2:137, 153, 

Rutledge, Andy, 36:2:240 

St. Joseph, Mo., 36:2:208 
St. Paul. Minn.. 36:2:239 
Sackett. Carl L.. 36:1:66 
Sackett, John Henry, 36:1:66 
Sage, Rufus. diary. 36:2:170, 173 
"Sage Creek Station", by Lyle H. 

Hildebrand. 36:1:45 
Salt Lake City, 36:2:212 
Salt Lake Reporter, The, 36:1:18 
Sample, Orderly. 36:1:65 
Sand Creek. 36:2:186, 190, 213 
"Sand Creek Station", by Bill Mor- 
gan, 36:1:49. 50 
Sanderson, Maj. W. F., 36:1:7, 8 
Sandoz, Mari, The Story Catcher, 

review, 36:2:248, 249 " 
Sardeson, Dr. F. W.. 36:1:22 
Sargent. Frank. 36:2:188. 189. 190 
Sartoris, Lionel and Leonard, 36:2: 

193. 195 
Sawyer. Col. J. A., 36:1:69. 70. 72 
"Sawyer Expedition. The". by 

Charles Rawlings, 36:1:69-72 
Saynday's People, by Alice Marriott, 

review, 36: 1 : 123 
Schlebecker, John T., Cattle Raising 

on the Plains 1960-1961 , review, 

Schnyder. L e o d e g a r, 36:1:5-18: 

photo. 4 
Scott, Gen. Winfield, 36:1:7 
Scudder. Ralph E.. Custer Country, 

review. 36:2:250 
Search for Jacques LaRamee - A 

Study in Frustration, The, by 

John Dishon McDermott, 36:2: 

Seventeen Mile Ranch, 36:2:213, 

"Seventy Years and More Ago", by 

Dick J. Nelson, poem, 36:1:77 
71 Horse Ranch, 36:2:240 
Sheepeater. Area of, map, 36:2:132 
Sheepeater Artifacts, photo. 36:2: 

Sheepeater Family on Chipping 

Grounds, photo. 36:2:158 
Sheepeater Game Trap, photo, 36: 

Sheepeater Wickiup, photo. 36:2: 


Sheepeaters, The, by David Dom- 
inick. 36:2:131-168 

Shell Creek. 36:2:213 

Sheridan County. 36:2:214 

Sheridan. Phil, 36:2:184 

Sherman Hill. 36:2:186 

Shoestring Gang, 36:1:49 

Shoshoni. 36:2:241 

Shurly. Lieut. E. R. P.. 36:1:68, 69 

Sinclair. F. H.. review of The Battle 
of Platte Bridge, 36:1:104. 105 

Skinner. Charles W.. 36:1:66 

Skinner. P. M.. 36:1:53 

Smith. Jabe. 36:2:194 

Smith. Col.. 36:2:180. 181 

Smith. Gen., 36:1:68 

Smoky Hill, 36:2:175. 180; River. 

"Smooth The Way", by Dick J. 
Nelson, poem. 36:2:203 

Snyder. Andrew. 36:1:56 

Snyder. Mrs. E. U.. 36:1:56 

Soda Springs, 36:2:206 

Soldier and Brave, The National 
Survey of Historic Sites and 
Buildings. National Park Service. 
review, 36:1:108, 109 

Soldier Creek, 36:2:216, 219: Road, 

Songs of Wyoming, by Hans Klei- 
ber. review. 36:1:107, 108 

South Pass City. 36:1:85. 86, 88; 
photo. 78 

South Pass News, The, 36:1:79, 80. 

Sprague. Marshall. The Great 
Gates, review. 36:2:243-245 

Spring Creek. 36:2:190 

Steinheimer. Richard. Backwoods 
Railroads of the West, A Port- 
folio, review. 36:1:114 

Stewart. Broncho Sam. 36:2:187, 
1 88 

Stewart. W. B.. 36:1:22 

Stiilman, Judge J. W.. 36:1:83 

Story. 36:1:63 

Storv Catcher, The, by Mari San- 
doz.. review. 36:2:248. 249 

Story, Nelson. 36:2:229. 230. 231. 

Stringer, Sam, 36:1:65 

Stuart, James, 36:2:205: Granville. 
205: Thomas. 205 

Stuart. James. Yellowstone Expedi- 
tion. 36:2:206 

Sublette, William. 36:1:8; 36:2:171 

Sublette County Artists' Guild. 
Tides of the Seeds-Ke-Dee, re- 
view, 36: 1 : 1 1 1 



Sullivant Ridge, 36:1:61, 62; Hill, 

61, 62 
Sun Dance, 36 : 1 : 37 
Sussex, 36:1:74 
Swan Land and Cattle Co., 36:2: 

190, 199, 202 
Swan Company Cowboys, photo, 

Sweetwater Mines, The, 36:1:79, 

82, 83, 85, 86, 88 
Sybille Mountains, 36:2:200 
Sweem, Glenn D., review of Custer 

Country, 36:2:250 
Sweeney, John L., 36:2:221 
Sweetwater Journalism and Western 

Myth, by Jay Gurian, 36:1:79 

TA brand, 36:2:186 

Tales of the Frontier, selected and 

retold by Everett Dick, review, 

Tales of the Seeds-Ke-Dee, Sublette 

County Artists' Guild, review, 

Taylor, E. B., 36:2:225 
Taylor, Col. Zachary, 36:1:6 
Templeton, George H., 36:1:53 
Ten Eyck, Capt. 36:1:64, 65 
Territorial Enterprise, The, Virginia 

City, Nev., 36:1:79, 85, 88 
Thermopolis, 36:2:211 
Thompson, Edith, "Antelope Creek 

Station", 36:1:50, 51 
Thompson, H. A., 36:1:82 
Three Forks of the Missouri, 36:2: 

206, 212 
Three Forks, Mont., 36:2:223 
Thurmond, J. M., 36:1:83 
Tillotson, — , 36:1:56 
Tolliver, Bugler Barney, 36:2:177, 

181 1 82 
Tongue River, 36:1:69, 72, 75; Val- 
ley, 36:1:69 
Tongue River Expedition, 36:1:70 
Townsend, Maj. Edwin F., 36:1:16 
Townsend, Capt., 36:2:214, 216, 

217, 218, 219 
Townsend Train, 36:2:214, 215, 

216, 219 
Tozer & Eddy quartz mill, 36:1:88 
Trabing, 36:1:53 
"Trabing Trading Post, The", by 

Burton S. Hill, 36:1:55, 56, 57 
Trent, Ellen, 36:2:230 
Turk, Harvey, 36:2:216 

Twiggs, Bvt. Maj. Gen. David E., 

Two Bar brand, 36:2:200, 202 

Union Pacific, 36:1:80; 36:2:232 

Van Horn, Colo., 36:1:48 
Van Vlierden, A. H., 36:2:222 
Varney, Michael E., review of 

Diesels West!, 36:1:114 
Vaughn, J. W., 36:1:65; The Battle 

of Platte Bridge, review, 104, 105 
Virginia City, Montana Terr., 36:1: 

43, 69, 73; 36:2:212, 221, 222, 

223, 224, 230, 231 
"Wagon Box Fight, The", by Vie 

Willits Garber, 36:1:61-63 
Walker, Col., 36:1:51, 52 
Wall, J. Tom, "Lake DeSmet", 36: 

Wallace, Pvt., 36:1:54 
Walters, Ed, 36:2:209 
Wands, Lieut. A. H., 36:1:53 
War Eagle, by James T. King, re- 
view, 36:2:249, 250 
Warren, A., 36:2:218 
Warren, J. E., 36:1:80, 85 
Weaver, David B., 36:2:214, 218, 

219; photo, 219 
Wells Fargo & Co., 36:1:85 
Weir, Capt. Thomas B., 36:2:180 
Welch, Hannah, 36:2:240 
West, Capt., 36:2:181 
West of William H. Ashley, The, 

ed. by Dale L. Morgan, review, 

36:2:242, 243 
Wheatley, James, 36:1:64, 65 
Where the Old West Stayed Young, 

by John Rolfe Burroughs, review, 

36:1:117, 118 
Whitehouse, Dr., 36:2:196, 197; 

Mrs., 197 
Whitehouse & Palmer, 36:2:195 
Whitehouse & Stokes, 36:2:195 
Whittenburg, Clarice, review of 

Fort Hall, Gateway to the Oregon 

Country, 36:1:115-117 
Willan, Jack Douglas, 36:2:193 
Willan Co., 36:2:194, 195; Ranch, 

194; Flat, 194; Farm, 194 
Willow Creek, 36:1:88; 36:2:240 
Wind River Reservation, 36:2:132, 

Wind River Range, 36:2:137, 148, 

152, 165 



Windsor, 36:2:194 
Winthrop Ranch, 36:2:196 
Wishart, Capt. Alex, 36:1:63 
Wister, Owen, 36:1:48 
Wister, Thomas, 36:2:225 
Wolf Creek, 36:1:69, 75 
Woodbury, Lieut. Daniel P., 36:1:8 
Word, Col. Samuel, 36:2:208, 212 
Wright, Chaplain David. 36:1:53, 

Wyoming Collegiate Institute, 36:1: 

Wyoming Hereford Ranch, 36:2: 

Wyoming Soldiers and Sailors 

Home, 36:1:53 
Wyoming State Historical Society, 

President's Message, 36:1:89; 

Tenth Annual Meeting, 36:1:90- 


Yaeger, Supt. D. G., 36:2:141 
Yankton, Dakota Terr., 36:1:69 
Yellowstone Park, 36:2:240; River, 

36:2:206, 212, 220, 224, 231; 

Valley of, 36:2:138 
Young, Pvt. Alfred, 36:2:178 

Zarah, 36:2:180 






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